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herausgegeben von Florian C. Reiter
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2016
Harrassowitz Verlag - Wiesbaden
Kahlan al-Kharusi
 Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
Edition and Study
2016
Harrassowitz Verlag - Wiesbaden
 This is a slightly revised version of a DPhil thesis originally accepted
 at the University of Oxford in 2003.
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CONTENTS
 101 11011612101 00...ممم ممم مم ممم ممم ممم ممم ممه ممم ممم مو مم لم
CHAPTER ONE
ABOUT THE ATHAR AL-RABI B. HABIB u..c.cscsssscscssssessesesseeesenseeee
The Book: Its Identification and the Authorities Who Mention It..
The Copies of the Manuscripts ............:c:cccsccsscecseeceeeeeseeeeseseeesseeens
A. The Egyptian Copy (E)..........:::cesssecesssneesesseceeseseeesessaneeeeneeees
B. The First Tunisian Copy (11)...cee eeessssessseeesseeeeeneeeeeaneees
C. The Second Tunisian Copy (T2)...........::ccesssssseceessneeeeeeeseaes
The Significance of the 800 ‎كأ...600 6006ممم ممم ممم ممم ممعم ممم ممم م
CHAPTER TWO
ATHAR AL-RABI‘ B. HABIB: ARABICTEXT.....c.cccccccsssesesseceseeseseeees
<2oo. ccccccssscecsccssssccessscessssscecscccsesscesseeeeesecsaeeeseseeseseeessaeeeeeseeess
Edited Text.........ccccccccccccccccccccsssssecessseeeeeceeececcescceccccsccuceseesteceeececceess
CHAPTER THREE
NOTES ON THE EDITED TEXT ...........cccccccceesescccecesseccccecessetseceeeeeses
I. Table of Topics of Athdr al-Rabi' b. Habib ......cccccesesetseeee
IT. 810165‎ ده131010111021 65اأء1 كمه10  ع[اطوعمخ عط1 ألا
CHAPTER FOUR-
DATE OF THE ATHAR AL-RABI' B. HABIB,
AUTHORITIES TRANSMITTING, AND
EVALUATONOF IBADI FIOH MATERIAL IN THE WORK........
I. Date of ‎اه «قطاق-1ة 'قتطه. 8م أاطهو.ملل لمعم
)1 The Author of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib u....ccccccccccceeeeteeeee
2) The Language Used in the Work and Its Legal Peculiarities
3) The Historical Events Mentioned in the Work............0..0000..
11. Authorities Transmitting the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib..............
1) “Abbas b. al-Harith......0.....cccc ccccsscccesssssceceresssssssensssssaceeees
2) Abii al-Ashhab Ja‘far b. 11319/81006660‎6ملل ممم ممل مم م
)3 Abt Ayyiib Wa’il b. Ayyub al-Hadrantl......0000
4) Abi Bakr b. Na‘ ama ..0...... ccc eccccccesecessseccsssscsssssscssseensaes
5) Abi Nth Salih al-Dahhan........0.....ee ececscecssseecesssseeeeesseees
6) Abii al-Ruhayl Mahbib b. al-Ruhayl .......00..eee:
VIContents
7) Abii Sufra ‘Abd al-Malik b. Sufra ....
8) Abii ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Ab? Karima
9) ‎ قلطم5. ماطفeee
10) “Amara b. Hayy€n...............ccccceeeee:
11) Dumam b. al-Sa@ ib...
12) ‎ متتسو6. لاهلا
)31 al-Haytham‎لمل ملم مم لمعم
)41 Hayydn al-A ‘raj al-‘ Amiri..............
15) Hazim (or al-Hazim) b. ‘Umar........
16( ‎ل6163. 32للال
)71 Jamil al-Khaw€rizm..............ccccccce
18) al-Rabt’ ‎ص. ططeee
19) Salim b. “Ubayd ....... ceeeeeeeeees
20) Tamim b. Huway$...........ccceeeeeeeeeees
21) al-Walid b. ‎لإطولاcee eee
22) Yahya b. Quira...........cceeeeeceeeeeeeeeeees
A Step Towards a Chronology...............+
III]. Evaluation of Ibadi Figh Material in Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib ......
CONCLUSION 000. ceeeecesteeceseeeetsaseeenees
INTRODUCTION
Various circumstances have led to the Ibadiyya being one of the least known
of all Islamic sects. However, ‘they certainly preserve a considerable number
of works said to have been written before c. 800, when the sources of the
mainstream tradition begin to flow freely’, as Crone and Zimmermann neatly
put it.
Access to this tradition was for long difficult, as those Western scholars
who were interested in it were to find out. However, a dramatic change was
to follow the accession of the present ruler of Oman, Sultan Qaboos bin Said
in 1970. The Sultanate was prudently modernized, and among many develop-
ments, emphasis was placed on the editing and publication of the major
works that have long lain hidden in libraries, not only in Oman but also in
North Africa and in Cairo. These publications were intended primarily for the
Ibadiyya themselves, but copies are now beginning to trickle through to
Western libraries, and it is to be hoped that Western scholars will soon have
wider knowledge of what is available and easier access to the works they are
interested in. However, bringing these works into the public domain remains
a huge task, because of the large amount of material still to be edited. This
study is a modest attempt to help in this task. It offers an annotated edition of
what appears to be the oldest extant work devoted to Ibadi figh, the Athar al-
Rabi’ b. Habib.
The origins of the Ibadiyya are clear in general terms but not in any
detail. Their roots are always confused with the so called Kharijite groups
that came into existence in the First Civil War (36/656—-41/661). There appear
to have been widely differing attitudes among these groups, the majority
preferring the policy of confrontation with the ahl al-qibla who opposed their
views, whilst a minority opted for a quietist, peaceful, isolationist, live-and-
let-live stance. In the early stages of the Second Civil War (65/688—73/692)
Muslimssplit into distinctivepoliticalgroups,andit wasoneof these,
holdingthequietistviewandbasedmainlyinBasra,thatbecamethe
Ibadiyya. The name traditionally derives from ‘Abd Allah b. [bad al-Tamimt,
|The epistle of Salim ibn Dhakwan, Oxford 2001, p. 1.
VIIIIntroduction
about whose dates and views there is much uncertainty and disagreement.
Apart from the central point about quietism, it may be futile to try to sift the
evidence for his views. These may well have been superseded during the
development of Ibadt kalam and figh and lost. Equally it may well have been
that he was much more important politically, as a member of Tamim, than as
thinker, where he was almost certainly overshadowed by the figure of Jabir b.
Zayd. Thus it may be that the view that ‘Abd Allah b. Ibad was the founder
and Jabir b. Zayd the first imam of the I[badiyya reflects a basic reality, with
their mutual strengths providing the basic impetus for the new movement to
cohere. For a time the movement looked set to carve a niche for itself in the
central heartland of the Empire, most particularly in Basra. Any hopes of this
were seriously diminished when al-Hajjaj turned against the movement and
imprisoned or exiled its leaders.
In my opinion Jabir b. Zayd died in 93/711 whilst al-Hajjaj was still
governor.” His position as leader of the Ibadiyya was assumed by Abi
‘Ubayda at some time after the latter’s release from prison on the death of al-
Hajjaj. During the brief reign of ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-' Aziz (99/717-101/719)
 things seemed promising for the Ibadiyya, but thereafter their position in Iraq
deteriorated. To mitigate this, Abi ‘Ubayda, who showed himself to be an
excellent organizer and leader, began to send out missionaries (hamalat al-
ilm) to outlying countries to win Muslims over to the Ibadiyya way of
 thinking. They gained many adherents, and took over in some areas, but
 eventually there were clashes with the governors appointed by the central
 authorities and there were rebellions in Tripolitania in 128/745-131/749; in
South West Arabia in 127/744—130/748; and in Oman in 132/750—134/752.
In all of these, despite initial defeats, the [badi communities survived. It is not
 clear when al-Rabi‘ took over from Abi ‘Ubayda.’ Al-Rabi‘ remained leader
 until his death sometime between 175/791-180/796. It is against this brief
 historical background that the Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib is set.
The doctrinal issues both in regard to the Sunnis and also to the Azariqa
 and the Najdiyya are dealt with in satisfying detail in Crone and Zimmer-
 mann’s Epistle and need not be dealt with extensively in this study.’ In short,
 the Ibadis differed strongly from the Azariqa and the Najdiyya in their atti-
 tude towards their opponents. The quietist views of the Ibadiyya ensured their
 survival in a way that was honourable to them. What was honourable to the
 Azariga and the Najdiyya led to savage fighting and their eventual destruc-
 tion.
 2See below pp. 146—148.
 3See below p. 142.
4The epistle of Salim ibn Dhakwan, Oxford 2001, pp. 186-250.
Introduction[X
Whenweturnto Ibadi fighit hashithertobeenimpossibleto say
anything very certain about the early period. However, the Athar al-Rabi' b.
Habib begins to open up the subject for us. It is not unfair to say that it
provides a first insight into the legal views of early influential Ibadi autho-
rities. It presents the views of Jabir b. Zayd and, not less important, it points
to an actual system of Islamic law that was growing up and prevailing in a
time that can be described as a pre-formative time of Islamic schools of law.
I have attempted, where ever possible, to take a closer look at the way of
thinking of early Ibadi authorities, how they expounded their arguments and
what devices they used to proclaim certain judgements. On the premise that
this work antedates most, or apparently all, known Islamic literature on figh, |
believe that it shows that they did so in a very cohesive thoughtful manner,
which contemporary scholars need to take into account when studying the
formationof Muslimschoolsof law and the developmentof their legal
theories.
It can be perceived from the Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib that this thoughtful
mannerfollowedby early Ibadis earnedthemgenuinerespect from their
contemporaries on matters of religious performance. Jabir was questioned on
various occasions by non-Ibadis about religious matters, his opinions were
transmitted by non-Ibadis, and, on the other hand, his Ibadi students seemed
tohavenostrictreservationsonreferringtootherauthoritiesin the
community. This is a mutual relation that is rarely observable in later Muslim
times. However, the beginnings of early division between Muslim authorities
on figh principles, and consequently on legal views, are also traceable in this
book. These divisions are noticeable but not yet distinctive. This is apparent-
ly due to the early date of the work on the one hand, but also to the broader
perspectiveearly Ibadi authorities followedto consolidate the position of
their movement (in Basra in particular).
For those who have interest in the anthropology of early Islamic socie-
ties, the book of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib will be useful as well. It illustrates,
in many of its traditions, a picture of real early Islamic society affairs. There
are traces of the day-to-day activities of the community, signs of the clothing
people used to wear, and natural images of the social and economical aspects
of the society at that time.
It is, therefore, a fact rather than a suggestion that the figh dealt with in
this work of al-Rabi‘ b. Habib opens further the doors for detailed studies and
for revising our understanding of many theories regarding the formation of
Islamic schools. Most significantly among these theories are: the labelling of
certain sects and authorities, the mutual relationships of early authorities, take
the example of Anas b. Malik, al-Hasan al-Basri, Jabir b. Zayd, their stu-
dents, etc., and not least of all the characteristic features that led to the
 xXIntroduction
development of different Muslim schools of law. The findings of such studies
could be of great value for the world of Islamic scholarship, not just at the
intellectual level but also in terms of the general Islamic heritage. This, |
believe, is a crucial task that should not be played down on the notion that a
minor Muslim school of law is fairly similar to the orthodox Islamic schools,
nor should it be affected by the other distractive notion, that a particular
school, as in the case of Ibadi madhhab, is the closest figh example to that of
the Sunnis. The reality, as revealed in the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, is that the
development of Ibadi figh is closer to the time of the Prophet and his
Companions than that of the Sunni schools (which therefore cannot be
normative).
In addition, the Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib is to be credited with enabling us
to elucidate useful biographical information of some early authorities and
transmitters. This will be appreciated by researchers who have been, or are
still, doing studies about the Ibadiyya. Looking, hand in hand, at historical
and at figh sources, such as the work under current study, can indeed
contribute substantially to the establishment of better prosopographical infor-
mation.
I do not claim that it is possible at this stage to give a full account of all
these grounds. The crucial emphasis has had to be on making the text
available and giving it the necessary background notes. To go beyond what |
have done would have been to embark on a major undertaking that is beyond
the scope of any thesis. Nevertheless, it is hoped that this study was able to
outline these accounts and to cast light on new areas.
CHAPTER ONE
ABOUT THE ATHAR AL-RABI‘ B. HABIB
The Book,
Its Identification and the Authorities Who Mention It
This is a work known by several titles. Perhaps the one we should take most
Seriouslyis thatfoundinthethreemanuscripts.However,asthethree
manuscripts are in some way related, this can only be treated as one piece of
evidence.
When we look at sources that quote or refer to the work, we find other
titles mentioned.It wouldappear that the first surviving references to the
work under investigation are to be found in the Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun by the
sixth/twelfth century IbadtT scholar Ibn Khalftn al-Mazati.' He depends
prominently on this work and specifies at his first quotation that he is
referring to “Kitab Abi Sufra ‘Abd al-Malik b. Sufra on the authority of al-
Rabr' transmitted from Dumam from Jabir b. Zayd that so and so”,” where
the matns (texts) are always identical to the texts of the work we have. Ibn
Khalfiin’s explicit references to this work total at least twelve extracts;* all
are exactly the same in both sanad and matn.
Later came the well known Ibadi biographer Aba al-Qasim al-Barrad?”
(the beginning of the ninth/fifteenth century). He included in his list of Ibadi
works Hifz Abi Sufra.° Although he does not claim to have seen the book or
Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, Ennami, A. (ed.), Beirut 1974, p. 13.
سم زم ينا حل
Ibid., p. 65.
The Egyptian copy (see below, p. 4), f. 74/i.
See, for example, the following pages of Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun: 65, 69 (6 extracts), 80 (5
extracts).
>For a biography of al-Barradi, see: Mu jam a ‘lam al-Ibadiyya min al-qarn al-awwal al-
Hijri ila al-‘asr al-hadir — qgism al-Maghrib al-‘arabi, (1420/1999), vol. 2, p. 341,
biography no. 735.
 6Al-Jawahir al-muntagat fi ma akhalla bihi sGhibu al-Tabagdt, (lith., 1302/1885),
p. 218.
2Chapter One
part of it, as he usually does when he has really seen a work, he states that the
work “is well known among us as Kitab Dumam(al-ma ‘raf ‘indana bi-kitab
Dumamy”’ which means that he has no doubt about the book he is describing.
Yet from those two sources one cannot draw a definitive clue about the exact
name of the work. Thus we have, apart from the title extant in the manu-
scripts of the work, three different titles so far: Kitab Abi Sufra, as Ibn
Khalfiin names it, Hifz Abi Sufra according to al-Barradi at his first mention
and Kitab Dumamas he calls it later.
Al-Shammakhi (d. in the ninth/fifteenth century) provides no more infor-
mation apart from the very important fact that he calls the work Athar al-
Rabi’ b. Habib and ascribes its collection to AbtSufra when he talks about
him and describes the work as ‘a famous one (mashhiar )’.* This popularity of
the book mentioned by al-Shammakhi could mean that it was a widely
available source. But this assumption evaporates with the ignorance of the
work by al-Darjini (d. 670/1271) who would certainly have mentioned the
work if he had had access to it. So the most appropriate interpretation of al-
Shammakhi’s sentence is that the work had a high reputation but was not
necessarily widely available. On these grounds one can understand the fact
that the work is rarely cited in the Mashriqi [badi references. Despite the
abundanceamongthemof early workson figh, they hardly refer to this
particular work. The only reference I found to a work by Abii Sufra is to the
Jami’ Abi Sufra in Bayan al-shar’ of Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Kindi (d.
most probably in 508/1114). There seem to be some quotations usually
commencing with: “and from (wa-min Jami’ Abi Sufra)’; then al-Kindi gives
the chain of transmitters followed by the tradition. But when these quota-
tions’ are compared to our book, the dissimilarity between them and the work
under consideration becomes obvious. They do not even present the opinions
of Jabir b. Zayd. This draws one’s attention to one possible assumption: that
we have two different works of Abii Sufra: one is named Jami‘ Abi Sufra and
the other is Kitab Abi Sufra. The latter seems to be the one described above
by Ibn Khalftin, al-Barrad? and al-Shammakhi. This explanation is supported
by the treatise al-Lum‘a al-murdiyya of the much later Omani scholar ‘Abd
Allah b. Humaydal-Salimi (d.1332/1914).In it he mentions two works:
Kitab Dumam and Jami’ Abi Sufra. He describes the first work as compiled
by Abt Sufra ‘Abd al-Malik b. Sufra in which he transmitted the opinions
7Loc. cit.
ofAl-Shammakhi, Kitab al-siyar, 1:109.
9There are about seven quotations distributed in the 72-volumeBayanal-shar’‘ as
follows: 35:18; 42:195, 201; 43:217, 224, and 45:7, 65 (Ministry of National Heritage,
Muscat 1984).
 عقطعة عط أنامطم21-12ط1' .6 22613
 and traditions of Jabir b. Zayd,'° while he says nothing about the latter work
 except that it is one of the very early works which has been described to him
 but he “has not obtained any copy of it”.'' This clearly indicates that the two
 different works share the same author (or the same transmitter): one is Jami‘
Abi Sufra, which is the one most likely to have been used by al-Kindi, and
the second work is Kitab Abi Sufra, which is the one under consideration
here.
To sum up, there are apparently three titles given or used to refer to this
work: Ibn Khalftin used Kitab Abi Sufra, al-Barradi said that the book is
known as Kitab Dumam, al-Shammakhi called it Athar al-Rabi‘, and finally
al-Salimi, whoprobably derived his informationfrom al-Barradi, as can be
noticed in many places of his treatise, called it Kitab Dumam.
Yet it is difficult to ignore the name used in the three copies of the
manuscript which is Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, reinforced as it is by al-
Shammakht. It should be added that the differences found in external sources
over its name do not discredit the authenticity of the work. On the contrary, it
seems natural for a very early work, as we shall see later in Chapter I'V, that
is cited and described only by a few sources, to have all the attention on its
content and on its significant transmitters rather than on its title, if it was
given a specific title at its first existence.'” However, all the titles given to
this work are, indeed, not far from reality: (1) the book has been named after
Dumam’”? (Kitab or Riwayat Dumam) because it is the only work that gathers
traditions transmitted on his authority, (2) and named after Abi Sufra’’
(Jami' or Kitab Abi Sufra) because he is the key transmitter of the work. On
the other hand it has not been referred to as Athar al-Rabi‘, with (3) the only
exception of al-Shammakhi, simply to distinguish it from his other work
Musnad al-Rabi‘. And because the confusion of intermixing the two works of
al-Rabi’ was removed after the representation of the Musnad by Abii Ya‘qib
al-Warjlani (d. 570/1 174),° after which it was renamed al-Jami' al-sahih, |
think it is reasonable to stick to the name of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib even if
ee,
10 Al-Lum‘a al-murdiyya, p. 19 ( Ministry of National Heritage, Muscat 1983).
Il Jbid., p. 24.
12 One may see this in the example of the early, though not the earliest, transmission of
Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybant of Imam Malik’s Muwatta’. As Dr. Dutton rightly
describes, “what the Muwatta’ of al-Shaybani thus illustrates is the flexible nature of
‘books’ at that time, and how the primary use of the Muwatta’ for him was as a vehicle
for teaching rather than a fixed text.” Review of Calder’s Studies in Early Muslim
Jurisprudence, in Journal of Islamic Studies, 5 (1), 1994, p. 104.
13 See below Ch. IV, p. 143.
14 For his biography, see below Ch. IV, p. 140.
15. See the introduction of al-Salimi on al-Jami‘ al-sahth, (Oman 1993), vol. 1, pp. 2-6.
4Chapter One
 all the previous names are examined and used throughout my investigation of
who referred to the book, as all these names were of the same book, appa-
rently, except Jami’ Abi Sufra.
The Copies of the Manuscripts
A. The Egyptian Copy
I was first introduced to the work coincidentally when I was searching for
another Ibadt work called Mudawwanat Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani preserved
under the number B/21582 in the Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya. I later discovered
that it is a mixed-content manuscript, that includes in parts of it the work of
Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib.
This Egyptian copy (referred to hereafter as E) is in very bad condition
and hardly legible in very many places. It is in a very small Maghribi hand
with 163 folios,'° each consisting of an average of 41 lines with approxi-
mately 40 words in each line. The size of each page is about 20 x 28 cm. The
name of the scribe appears a few times at various places in the whole
manuscript: he is Abii Zayd b. ‘Abd al-Rahman b. ‘Umar b. Muhammad b.
‘Umar b. Isma‘il al-Zawwari, a name which 1s totally unknownto me. He
might be from Zawwara in Mzab.'’
Although E is titled — according to Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya — as
Mudawwanat Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani and ascribed to the transmission of
Aflah b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab,° this information is sadly incomplete and even the
information it gives cannot be taken for granted. The manuscript contains not
only the traditions narrated by Abi Ghanim al-Khur4sani, part of it starts: the
“Kitab al-‘ummal wa-man yali ‘alayhim” which runs from f. 2/1 to 8/i. This is
followed by the “Kitab al-mumtani in an al-imam” up to f. 13/ii. At this
point it breaks off without any clarification from the copyist about the rest of
this chapter. I later found it at f. 93/1 with a marginal note from the copyist
that it is the completion of the previous incomplete chapter of al-hudid from
part one. This completion goes on until f. 97/1. The Kitab al-kafalat, ff. 13/i-
16 The numbering of the folios appears to have been done by Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya,
and I kept it as it is except that I divided each folio into two pages by adding the
number 1, 11 after each folio’s number.
17 It first appears at f. 36 then ff. 43, 103, 126, but the explicit description of him as a
copyist occurs at f. 144, 149.
18 The third Rustamid Imam in Tahert (171—208/787-823). He was a distinguished
scholar and the most famous Imam in the Rustamid family. He died in 258/871
(Mu jam alam al-Ibadiyya, \:60, biography no. | 16).
About the Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib5
16/11 and Kitab abwabal-salam wa-l-buyi’,ff. 16/11-20/1, are also parts of
Mudawwanat Abi Ghanim. The manuscript then provides a different section
devoted to Kitab al-nikah min qawl Jabir b. Zayd, ff. 20/i-24/i, followed by
many parts of Kitab al-shighar li-Ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (part 1 from f. 24/i to
f. 30/ii, part 3, ff. 30/ii-36/i, part 4, ff. 144/11-149/1). The manuscript also
contains parts | to 7 of Qaw/ Qatada starting at f. 36/i until f. 73/i. It might
be that Kitab al-shuf'a wa taqnin usiliha (ff. 80/ii-91/i), Kitab al-ahkam
(ff. 97/i-103/ii), Kitab al-fara’id (ff. 103/1-107/1), Kitab ma yalzamu min
daman al-ab li-bandatih up to 1. 113/11 with Kitab al-wasaya and Risdlat al-
shaykh Abi ‘Ubayda fi l-zakat, ff. 114/ii-116/ii, are all parts of Mudawwanat
 Abi Ghanim, but this is not certain. After all these parts and sections come
different parts that are not consistent with the previous parts in their style;
like Kitab kaffarat al-ayman, f. 116/i1, Kitab al-wada i‘ wa-l-‘ariyat, Kitab al-
 qisma, and they end with Kitab al-hayd, f. 161/i-163/ii. At the end of each
 part the manuscript says that what has been mentioned in each part is “of the
 Opinion of the Kufans shown to Ibadi scholars — min qawli ahli al-Kifa
 ma ridayni sahthayni ‘ald al-Ibadiyya”.'” This might be the reason for which
 Ennami gives the whole manuscript the name of “al-Diwan al-ma ‘rid ‘ala
ulama’ al-Ibadiyya”.”°
Our concern, the text in question, starts at f. 73/i of E at the place where
 the scribe (or less probably the author) says “Part one of Athar al-Rabi”
 (Kitab al-juz’ al-awwal min Athar al-Rabi‘b. Habib) and it ends at f. 80/1
 Where he says “The book (kitab) of al-Rabi’ ends here”. The statement on
 f. 73/1 implies that there is a second part to this book. The claim is echoed at
 f. 140/i of E where all the following folios up to f. 153/i have been given the
title of “part two of Futya al-Rabi‘ b. Habib”. This part commences: “I asked
him about (wa sa‘altuhu ‘an)” and goes on in the same pattern of “I asked
him — he replied to me” or similar statements of question-answer sentences.
This part is divided by sub-titles according to its contents.
A careful comparison between the two parts shows that they are not of
the same work; i.e., the part which the copyist called part two of Futya al-
Rabi‘ has no relation to the previous part of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. The
reasons for this can be summarized as follows. First, the title given for each
part is different from the other. Part one is named Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
while part two is Futya al-Rabi'‘; and it is well known — within the Ibadi
School at least — that there are various works ascribed to al-Rabi‘ b. Habib,
some of which were committed to writing by his students at early stages,
eee
19 E, ff. 69/ii, 122/1 1611
20 Ennami, Studies in Ibadism, (1971), pp. 154, 159-164.
 6Chapter One
 especially his fatawa (legal opinions). Secondly and most importantly, the
 style and pattern of each part clearly indicate that they are not of the same
 work. The sanad (chain of transmitters) of each part is different from that of
 the other. Part one or Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib consists of traditions trans-
 mitted on the authority of Dumam from Jabir b. Zayd or a similar chain,
 whereas part two or Futya al-Rabi’ b. Habib has no mention of transmitters:
 it is a ‘question-answer’ compilation, with only occasional statements about
 whowasaskingandwhowasresponsiblefor the answers.Besides, the
 contents of the two parts seem inconsistent. Athar al-Rabi‘ is devoted to the
 opinions of Jabir b. Zayd without any headings whereas Futya al-Rabi‘ b.
 Habib is devoted mostly to the legal opinions of al-Rabi in reply to
 questions put to him. The argument becomes more complicated when we
 look at f. 156 of E where the copyist says at the end of a section that “part
 two of Futya al-Rabi' will follow”. But after the formal introduction he starts
 to transcribe Kitab al-qgisma wa taqnin usiliha, setting out traditions and
 opinions of Abi ‘Ubayda b. al-Qasim”' and Ibn ‘Abd al-‘ Aziz” until the end
 of the transcription of the book where he finishes by writing that “this is the
 end of Kitab al-qisma of the opinions of the Kufans”. All this leaves two
possibilities: either the copyist mistakenly copied another work (Kitab al-
gisma) instead of copying Futyd al-Rabi' or he has made no mistake and he
really meant that this part is (or is supposed to be) part two of Athar al-Rabi'
b. Habib. There are no good grounds for accepting this latter possibility.
However, both possibilities lead to the same conclusion, that this part,
from f. 154/ii to f. 161/ii, is not part of the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib and has
no connection with it at all.
Yet the question of whether the work of Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib has
another part or not remains unanswered. Although one cannot be certain
about that, it seems fair to say that E has nothing that can be considered as
part two of Athar al-Rabi'. This is a conclusion which seems reasonable in
other respects,as no scholar,biographeror historian, to the best of my
knowledge, has mentioned that the work of Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib is
divided into various parts.””
To complicate matters still further, I feel forced to conclude that within
the only part of Athar al-Rabi‘ extant in E there are interpolations that do not
21Abi ‘Ubayda ‘Abd Allah b. al-Qasim: an Ibadi scholar who lived in Mecca in the first
half of the second/eighth century (al-Darjint, Tabagat al-mashaykh, 2:253; al-Shamma-
khi, Kitab al-siyar |:87-88).
22 ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz: An Egyptian 16301 scholar and a contemporary of al-
Rabi’ b. Habib (see Ajwibat Ibn Khalfiin —- Ennami, A. (ed.), Beirut 1974, p. 107).
23 See pp. 1-3 of this study.
About the Athar al-Rabi’ b. Habib7
belong to the work.” The Athar al-Rabi‘ concludes at f. 78/i where it says
“wa-balagh hadd al-zakat”. All sections from bab ghusl al-jandba till the
explicit tamma Kitab al-Rabi'‘ at f. 80/ii are not from the same book. The
style and method change dramatically at that point (f. 78/i); there is no
mention of transmitters at all in these subsequent passages and the content is
different from that of the earlier part. This new style 15 a question-answer
method whereas the previous method was in a narrative way, with a precise
transmission of all the authorities to whomeach tradition is ascribed. Also
the answers of these last few pages are not of Jabir b. Zayd or of any of his
contemporaries. There are some answers ascribed to Abii Bakr al-Mawsili,”°
Wa’il b. Ayyiib,”® ‘Abd Allah b. Abd al-‘Aziz”’ and surprisingly to al-Rabi'
 himself, an ascription not found in the work proper. No information about
 this text (ff. 78/i—80/11) is available in any external source. Thus one is forced
 to analyse the text through its content only. This of course makessuch
 analytical views and conclusions derive from the internal evidence; i.e. the
 style of the work, the method of the author, the content and the kind of
 problems dealt with, the only source of information we could have.
Finally the date of E is too disputable. E concludes with a colophon that
 records the date to be Thursday of Ramadan the year 41/661. This appears to
 indicate that the actual date is one thousand and forty one (1041/1631), on the
 assumption that the scribe has omitted the thousand because it is quite usual
 to do so at the first century of every new millennium. This is perhaps more
 likely than that it was a slip of the pen.
 B. The First Tunisian Copy (T1)
 This is one of the copies that Ennami was able to use when he edited and
 Studied Ajwibat Ibn Khalfin. From the numbering of this copy, which is most
 probably done by him, it is easy to tell that this was the copy that he gave the
 Siglum (| ) in his edition of Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun. This Tunisian copy will be
referred to as T1 in this study. I have used a photocopy of it from the archive
of Dr. John Wilkinson, now at Exeter University, as my attempts to have
access to the original manuscript from Tunis were unsuccessful.
Like E, this copy is part of a mixed content manuscript. Although the
Photocopy of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habibis the only part I have of this manu-
Script, the first andlast pagesof the photocopycontaininformation that
24 These interpolations are given numbers [S1] to [S19] in the text and, therefore, will not
be commented on as they do not actually belong to the original text.
25F. 80/i of E.
26 Loc. cit.
27F. 80/ii of E.
 8Chapter One
 shows that the content of the whole manuscript is similar to that of E as the
 passages immediately preceding and following our text indicate. Yet from the
 preceding passage, the scribe of Tl seems to be following a different order
 from that of E; he stops at the end of part seven of Qaw/l Qatdda and says that
 some scribes attach the book of Habib b. Abi Habib to it and do not end the
 work of Qawl Qatdda until they have completed transcribing Kitab Habib b.
Abi Habib,” which is exactly what the copyist of E did. Does this mean that
 E was the exemplar of T1? From the recorded date of T1, it is obvious that it
 is later than E: the scribe, whose name is Salih b. Salim b. Sulayman b. Yadar
 al-Sadrati, reported that he finished transcribing the book on Monday the
twenty-third of Shawwal of 1191 H/the twenty-fourth of November 1777.”’ It
 is also important to point out that Tl has six additional traditions that are not
 extant in E, and two other traditions are missing from T1 but are in E. There
 are four places at least where there is haplography in E,*’ but the full version
 is preserved in Tl. This means (a) that E is not the exemplar of T1 or vice
 versa (though that can be established on the manuscript dates); (b) it is highly
unlikely that E and T1 share a commonexemplar, so that the descent of the
manuscript 1s likely to be:
A (lost)
»
B (lost)C (lost)
ETi
However the scribe of T1 was aware of arrangement differences either in E
or, perhaps more likely in B. [Another possibility is that the scribe of C was
aware of what was in B].
There are lesser differences also, and these are sometimes crucial and
undeniable;*’ for example, additional traditions, completeness of missing
sentences due to a slip of the pen at similar words, change in the order of
some traditions and different order of words and phrases that are joined by
conjunctive words, are some of these differences. This ultimately tends to
suggest variant origins. Thus the argument remains with no certain clue
unless further evidence turns up.
28Tl, p. 1.
29The scribe’s name and the date appear at the end of each book included in this Ms.
30See traditions [165], [170], [223] and [257].
31All differences will be shown in the edited text below.
About the Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib9
However, T1 offers better readings than E as far as linguistic and ortho-
graphic patterns are concerned. It seems that it has been preserved in,
relatively, good condition. Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib covers 32 pages of
mediumsize in a Maghribi handwriting. Like E this copy has also another
part under the title of ‘Part Two of Futyd al-Rabi‘ b. Habib’, which starts
immediately after Athar al-Rabi', covering eighteen pages. For the same
reasons illustrated above when describing E, this is not actually of the same
work” nor do the interpolated extracts within the work itself (pp. 13-15)
belong to Athar al-Rabi'.”
C. The Second Tunisian Copy (T2)
Thisis thesecondTunisiancopythat Ennamiusedin his edition of Ibn
Khalftin. He refers to it by the siglum (~). It came down to me from the
private library of ShaykhAhmadb. Hamadal-Khalili, the current Grand
Mufti of Oman. As we have seen in E and T1, this is part of a codex of what
was thought to be Mudawwanat Abi Ghanim or al-Diwan al-ma‘rad ‘ala
ulama’ al-Ibadiyya. Unfortunately, Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib is the only part
 available to me. It does not carry the name of the scribe or the date. The only
information recorded by a previous possessor of the codex is that it belongs
 to al-Hajj Misa Bashir b. Miisa and he gave it the title “Jami‘ Abi Sufra ‘Abd
 al-Malik b. Sufra’. But the scribe has not mentionedhis name anywherein
 this part I obtained nor has he recorded a date of his transcription, let alone
 his ancestral copy. A careful reading of T2 leads to the conclusion that it is
 almost identical to T1 except for some minor orthographical differences. And
 because of the lack of essential information about T2 it 1s difficult to
 determinewhichonewastheexemplarof theother.Themostlikely
 Possibility is that both derive from the last exemplar I have named C. This, of
 course, does not mean that T2 is not important or that it has not been referred
 to when it incorporates a reading of the text that appears to have a better
basis. It helped to solve some illegible words and phrases from both E and T1
as well as corroborating the reliability of T1.
_12 is also ina Maghrib? handwriting of 33 pages of the actual work of
Athar al-Rabi'. It contains the interpolations found in E and T1. T2 seems to
have two different numberings: one is the numbering of the whole codex, in
which Athar al-Rabi‘ covers pages from 441 to 492 and the other is for the
Work of Athdr al-Rabi‘ starting at page one. This was probably done by
Ennami, as his footnote references in Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun indicate.
ee
32 See p. 5-6 above.
33For the same reasons discussed above on p. 6-7.
10Chapter One
 The Significance of the Book
 The Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib presents an early contribution of the Ibadi
 school in the field of Islamic scholarship, since it dates from as early as the
 beginning of the second/eighth century.”* As such, the work throws light on
 the formation, not only of the Ibad7T school of thought, but on that of other
 Islamic schools as well. It might even change some of the ‘facts’*> that have
 long been taken for granted by many scholars about the history of Islamic
 thought and jurisprudence. Let us take, for the sake of this particular aspect,
 the question of the chronological location of the origins of Islamic figh. This
 work helps to solve the arguments among Western scholars about the
 chronology of the development of Islamic figh. It is difficult to take into
 account works that are lost or unavailable, except in a general and theoretical
 way. However, this is what Schacht did as far as the Ibadis/Kharijis were
 concerned, and it was part of the reasoning that made him decide to fix the
 origins of figh in the early years of the second century. Schacht’s views were
 considered to be ‘problematic’ by Calder, who wished to place the develop-
 ment in the first part of the third century.°° Calder’s stance appears to be due
to incorrect dating on the one hand,° ’ but also because of a narrow focus on
the Sunni world.*? With a work like Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib available, he
would surely have changed his stance.
Apposite to this regard is the influence of this work on the study of the
 formation and the characteristics of Muslim schools of law other than the
 Sunni mainstream. The picture of the figh material and the jurisprudence of
most non-Sunni schools is mostly distorted in Sunni sources, the ones most
readily accessible. Anyone who has any doubt about this may look at what
people like al-Shahrastani and Ibn Hazm”’ say about the Ibadi principles of
law. The accessibility of the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib will help greatly to-
wards the rectification of that distorted image.
The discovery of such works”’ verifies the view of the Ibadiyya that their
thinking and indeed the whole construction of their madhhab reached a high
34 See below Ch. IV, The Date of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib.
35 For details and examples, see below Ch. IV, Evaluation of the Figh Material in Athar
al-Rabi..
36 Calder, N., Studies in early Muslim jurisprudence, (Oxford 1993), p. 199.
37 Dutton proves that Calder has ‘inexcusable errors in dating’ (in his review of Calder’s
book in Journal of Islamic Studies, 5 (1), 1994, p. 103).
38 Calder, op. cit., passim.
39 Al-Shahrastant, al-Fisal ft al-milal wa al-nihal, vol.1, article al-Ibadiyya; and Ibn
Hazm, al-Milal wa al-nihal, article Ibadiyya.
40 A valuable amount of early Ibadi works has been recently discovered like: Kitab al-
 عقطاة عط اأنامطم21-12ط1' 6. ]1ط[طح11
State of maturity at a time when many leaders (imams) of other schools and
sects had not yet been born. Ennami rightly describes this perception by
Stating that:
“They[Ibadis] did not derive their law from the orthodoxSunni
schools because law was established before the Sunni schools came
into existence. When Jabir b. Zayd, the founder of the Ibadi school,
died, Malik b. Anas, the master of the Maliki school, was about three
years of age, and Abii Hanifa, the master of the Hanafi schools, was
about 12 years of age.”
That maturity, of course, does not merely mean the adoption of doctrinal and
political stances that influence the general peculiarities of the madhhab but
€xpands to include the juristic basis as well as the socio-political trends
followed by Ibadi leaders towards very sensitive and vital issues at that time.
The most crucial of such issues are the preservation of their own tenets,
dealing carefully and very cautiously with governors and their subordinates,
creating active and secure means of communication between followers and
leaders and, not least of all, gaining and selecting more disciples. The book
has examples, not many but still significant, of all these issues.
The first thing that one notices in this work is the attention given to the
 authenticity of every transmission. Although most of the material of the book
 consists of juristic opinions narrated on the authority of Jabir b. Zayd, it has
 been transmitted in a very consistent narrative method, a method usually used
for recording hadith but not figh. A good example of how these early
 authorities applied rules of transmitting hadiths on legal opinions (fatawa) is
 tradition [4] in the text where Jabir gave his opinion and when told about Ibn
Mas ‘iid’sopinion,Jabir replied:“If wehadfoundthis reportedthrougha
 Credible trustworthy transmitter we would have taken it”. We should bear in
 mind that most of the events and questions in our text arose in Iraq, where the
 System for transmitting and reporting non-Prophetic traditions was not
 Strictly adhered to*” in the way found in the Hy4az nor was the reliance on
nikah, K. al-salat and al-Rasa’il (correspondences) of Jabir b. Zayd, the treatise of Abii
‘Ubayda on al-zakat, the Mudawwanat Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani and this work of
Athar al-Rabi«
41 Ennami, Studies, p. 103.
42 This does not mean that a distinct line can be drawn between the two schools (Iraqi and
Hijazt) but as a general feature the Iraqis use ra'y and qiyds in their discussions and
arguments rather than being traditionalists like the Hijazis. See for a good analysis
‘Abd al-Majid, Mahmiid, a/-Madrasa al-fighiyya li-l-muhaddithin, (1972), pp. 19-79,
and C. Melchert, The formation of the Sunni schools of law, Ch. 1, Il & II.
 12Chapter One
 Prophetic hadiths in deriving legal opinions at the same level of that of ah/
 al-Hijaz.”’ Thus being in Basra has influenced early Ibadi authorities through
 the prevalence of the use of the Iraqi method of analogical deduction (giyas)
 and individual judgment (ra 'y), yet has not prevented them from making full
 use of the Hijazi mechanism of transmitting traditions and focusing on
 mostly practical, or rarely theoretical, issues.“* The Ibadi school uses both
these ways of handling material*’ but in a logical natural mechanism rather
than in an adopted technical method, for we are talking about the beginnings
 of the second/eighth century where division between ahi al-ra’y and ahi al-
hadith has not yet flourished.
Another interesting feature in this short but valuable work is that it does
not confine itself simply to the opinions of Jabir b. Zayd or other Ibadi
scholars. It also presents other opinions, especially of ‘the Kufans’, who later
became represented by the Hanafi school, although “there are”, as Melchert
points out, “severe limits to how precisely we can know when the school of
Kufa became completely, by self definition, Hanafi’.*° On many occasions, a
statement of Jabir is followed by another, showing a different opinion,
whether it is of another Ibadt scholar, possibly a student of Jabir, or quite
often of a non-Ibadi. This may be seen as the forerunner of what later was
known as comparative legal studies ( ilm al-khilaf) and could indicate how
flexible and eager Ibadt scholars were to take into account opinions of people
who did not hold Ibadi views.
In addition, this work of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib presents a special focus
of the Ibadi school, that of following the evidence and not the mere opinions
of their authorities.*’ This principle has always been stressed and emphasised
43 This differentiation between Iraqi and Hijazi schools is apparent in many early works
of different schools of Islamic law, for instance: al-Hujja ‘ala ahl al-Madina of
Muhammadb. al-Hasan al-Shaybani,7a ‘wil mukhtalif al-hadith of Ibn Qutayba who
was straightforward against ahl al-ra'y, as he names them. And when he refutes their
opinions he explicitly calls them ahi al-'‘Iraq and states, in his examples, with
disapproval of opinions ascribed to Abu Hanifa. Other relevant sources are the two
books of al-Dihlaw1, Shah Walt Allah, al-Hujjat al-baligha and al-Insaf fi bayan asbab
al-ikhtilaf, ed. Abu: Ghudda, (Beirut 1993), passim.
44 Ibn Qutayba, 7a wil mukhtalif al-hadith, ed. ‘Abd al-Qadir A. ‘Ata, (Cairo 1982), pp.
70-74, and note that Ibn al-Qayyim also classifies scholars and their methodologies
accordingly in his A ‘lam al-muwagqi in, 1:1-50.
45 Within the Ibadi school the term “‘Iraqis”, meaning Hanafis, has been used as early as
Ibn Baraka in his Jami ‎م,2
 64 Melchert, Formation, p. 35, and details on pp. 36-38.
47 This could be one of the most important reasons of not naming the Ibadi school after
Jabir unlike other Sunni schools which have been named after their first founder or
teacher (imam).
About the Athar al-Rabi’ b. Habib13
within the Ibadi school. For instance, Abii Sa‘id al-Kudami (a distinguished
Omani scholar of the first half of the fourth/tenth century) held an opinion on
a certain juristic matter that contradicted the opinion of most previous Ibadi
scholars. When he was opposed about his disapproval of the opinion of the
majority, he said: “The Prophet has ordered to do so, and his [the Prophet’s]
Statement is worthy of following”. Abii Ya‘qiib al-Warjlani (d. 570/1175)
also articulated this principle when he was standing at the grave of the
Prophet, by stating that ‘there is no taqlid, except for the person buried here’
pointing at the grave.*® [badi scholars down to the present day have followed
this line of giving more weight to the evidence of their authorities than to the
authorities themselves. For example, a key twentieth century Libyan figure
€xpresses the view that:
“Many Muslim sects decided that with the passing of a certain age the
gates of ijtihdad should be closed ... Ibadis from an early time sensed
that such a stagnant approach did not go hand in hand with the spirit
of Islam, ... Since, Ibadis believed that what God had made open for
the first members of this community cannot be denied to the last of it,
and that the gate of ijtihdd ... can only be closed by a jurisprudent of
no understanding, they began to discuss the question of ijtihdd ... with
muchtolerance,clarity andopen-mindedness,theyusedto discuss
problems with reference to the actions of Companions and Successors,
and the way of life of the righteous predecessors. They do not deny
access to that which knowledge has opened up, nor do they deem
illicit that which religion has made licit, nor do they let the problems
of successive generations accumulate at the gates of ijtihad, ...”.””
 However, the Sunni madhahib effectively closed the gates of ijtihdd, and this
 can be seen clearly in many standard texts, as, for example, we see in al-
Maarizi’s Khitat.*° My statement does not ignore the fact that various Sunnis,
 andsometimesWesternscholarssuchasWattwhoseviewwasadopted
امم
84 For this and similar quotations, see al-Qannibi, S., Qurrat al-‘aynayn, (Oman, 1997),
pp. 12-17,
49Mu‘ammar,A.Y., al-Ibadiyya ft mawkibal-tarikh: Nash’atal-madhhabal-Ibadi,
pp. 71-73.
50 Al-Mawa iz wa al-i'tibar bi dhikr al-khitat wa al-athar, also knownas al-Khitat al-
magriziyya, (2TM edn., a photocopy of the Bulaq edition), 2:343—44. I quoted him with
Comments and analysis in a previous paper titled ‘Ulama’ al-Islam wa ‘ilaqatuhum bi
al-nass wa al-ijtihad, in: al-Ijtihad fi al-Islam proceedings from the 6" conference of
Mu’ assasat A] al-Bayt, held in Muscat, December 1998, pp. 15-17.
14Chapter One
 strongly by Hallag,”' at different periods have claimed that the gates of ijti-
 had were not shut,” and it is the case that many modern Sunni writers argue
 that there was no closure.”Such claims basically reinforce the view that
 closure did take place, because they are the claims of a minority trying to
 change entrenched attitudes. It is also true that selective (intiqa 1) ijtihdd is
 possible, but it is of a strictly limited kind compared to creative (inshda 7 or
 mutlaq) ijtihad.
This is oneof the issues on whichthe Sunnisandthe Ibadisshow
 greatest contrast. And it is not unfair to say that the use of ijtihad observable
 in the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib would have been enormously influential in
 drawing the Ibadiyya towards their stance of keeping the door of ijtihad
 open.
The principle of practising ijtihad freely and considering the evidence
rather than the opinions of authorities is observable in the Athar al-Rabi‘. It
presents throughout its text the approval of Ibadis for the opinions of other
authorities in the community. Actually we find in the book on some occa-
sions more than a mere presentation of the opinions of different authorities;
 i.e. these ‘other’ opinions are apparently assumed, by Jabir’s students, to be
strong enough to override the opinions of Jabir. It clearly offers an early
practical example of the implementation of this postulate within the Ibadi
school as will be detailed later on in this study.’ This obviously intensifies
the importance of the work and confirms the early maturity mentioned
earlier.
It is also appropriate to point out that, for the Ibadis at least, this work is
a very valuable compilation of the opinions of their real founder Jabir b. Zayd
that are transmitted by his great student Dumam b. al-Sa’ib, a chain that has
been long described and mentioned, but on only the slightest evidence
outside this text’.It refutes manydenials, that were regardedreasonable
51 A brief but valuable illustration of this argument can be found in Michel Hoebink,
‘Two halves of the same truth: Schacht, Hallaq and the gate of ijtihad: An inquiry into
definitions’, in Middle East Research Associates (MERA), 1994, pp. 1-19.
52 Best examples are presented by the claims of Ibn Taymiyya and al-Suyiti, see the
latter’s al-Radd ‘ala man akhlada ila al-ard wa jahila ann al-ijtihad fi kulli ‘asrin fard,
ed. Khalil al-Mays, Beirut 1983.
53 Michel Hoebink, op. cit., p. 2-3.
54 See below Ch. IV, pp. 153-159, esp. 155 and 158.
55. Al-Shammakhi for example says when talking about Dumam: “and what he (Dum4m)
recorded and transmitted from Jabir was greater than that of Abi ‘Ubayda ...” al-Siyar,
vol. 1, p. 81. He also describes his answers when he replaced Imam Jabir in one Hajj
season that his answers were: “‘I heard Jabir saying’, or ‘he was asked’ or ‘I heard
him’, ... and he was the transmitter of Jabir (rawiyat Jabir)”, ibid., 1:82.
About the Athar al-Rabi’ b. Habib15
before this text became available, about the existence of such a chain and
about the role of Dumam in transmitting the knowledge of Jabir and the basis
of his madhhab.*® Although Dumam’s role in this book is no more than a
transmitter, this is particularly what needs to be proved. It testifies that Abi
Ubayda is not the only transmitter of Jabir b. Zayd, as is the situation in the
 already published Musnad al-Rabi‘, where there are no more than three
traditions reported on Dumam’s authority. Furthermore, this work, by
Showing the role of Dumam, fills the gap in the chain of the authorities of the
lbadi religious roots (silsilat nasab al-din)?' which links descendants and
disciples, who are authorities on knowledge, to their ancestors until the chain
reaches the Prophet.
Moving to a more general examination and analysis of the subject of the
book, one can readily perceive that the basic stance of the work is juristic
(figh), rather than that of hadith.°® Most of the points and issues discussed
have been dealt with and argued about over the ages by scholars of all
Muslim schools; yet when we take the early date of the work into account, as
well as the diversity of subjects and opinionsin it, and compareit with
similar compilations of the same time — if there are any”, the significance of
 the work becomes clearer. For Ibadis, it is unquestionable that this work
 Preserves a rich mine of the knowledge of their first leaders and scholars on
 different issues; for non-Ibadis, on the other hand, it includes opinions and
 vlews of many Followers and later generation scholars, and it shows at least
 the kind of questions that were discussed in the community at that early
 period,®!
| Someone wanting to trace back some of the Ibadi figh features to their
 Origins will have to conclude from the evidence of the book that the Ibadi
Juristic features were formed as early as the formative time of Ibadism. Some
 of these features are: the recitation of strat al-Fatiha only in al-zuhr and al-
sr prayers as in tradition [9], the safar prayer: when a traveller should start
 Shortening his prayer and for how long (traditions [175], [211],
[260], [296],
 [298], [299], [303], [304] and [306]); disapproval of wiping one’s footwear
 When performing wudu’; and the disapproval of reciting dua al-quniit
ee
56‎ لاننJ.C., ‘Ibadi hadith: an essay on normalization’, in: Der Islam,
62, 1985),
p.235.
>7 Ibn Sallam al-Ibadi (d. 273/887): Bad’ al-Islam wa shara’i'
al-din, ed. Schwartz, V.
and S. Ya‘qiib, (Dar al-Fath, Beirut 1974), p. 114.
58 There are only three traditions ascribed explicitly to the Prophet.
59 See footnote 39 above.
60 The book contains opinions that were
not thought to be adopted by the Ibadiyya:
traditions [41], [43], [46],e.g.
[56], [93].
61 See below Ch, III, Notes on the
Edited Text.
16Chapter One
 (invocation of God against certain enemies, inserted in the prayer). There are
 many such juristic points in the book but the ones just mentioned are the ones
 which characterise the Ibadt school down to the present time as far as figh is
 concerned. This, however, does not mean that other opinions and traditions
 are of no significance. On the contrary, they give us a brilliant picture of
 many aspects of the society of Basra at the time of the compilation of the
 material of this work. A large number of the matters discussed were about
 slaves and their rights, relationships with their masters and different legal
 ways of liberating them ( itg, mukataba, tadbir, etc.). There are many items
 regarding non-Muslims living in Basra — Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians:
 their food, marriage affairs, social conduct, criminal affairs, embracing Islam,
 etc.”
The juristic treatment of the topics discussed in the book offers an
 Opportunity to increase our understanding of Ibad1 figh, not only because of
the insufficiency of earlier studies about this particular aspect — even more
than the doctrinal and political ones — but also because the work we have
appears to be a good example of an early Ibadi reference text on figh. Certain
 features stand out. The first of them is that it is based on evidence (the Qur’an
and the sound Sunna) whenever available. There are many examples of this
principle in the book. One of these is tradition [273], where Jabir is asked by
a woman called Hind about a man who made a proposal to marry one of her
slaves. Jabir told her not to accept. The man made his proposal a second time
and was refused. The third time Hind told Jabir that the man said he would
commit adultery with the slave if she refused him again. At this point Jabir
said: Yes, you should accept now; and he quoted the Qur’an (This is for those
of you who are afraid of committing fornication) (a/-Nisa’: 25). On another
occasion he was asked about drinking nabidh al-jarr (alcoholic drink stored
in clay jars usually sealed with pitch). Jabir forbade it, but the questioner
asked him again and insisted, so Jabir responded: “The Prophet forbade it and
whatever he forbade is hardm” (tradition [238]).
However, what is said here does not mean that Ibadis accept every single
hadith regardless of its authenticity even if it is regarded as sound hadith by
non-Ibadis.© It seems that Jabir doubts some traditions when they contradict
the Qur’4n, as in the example of wiping one’s footwear when doing wudi’, or
if they have not been transmitted in an authentic sanad, as in the case when
he was asked about a man who gets married to a woman and dies before
determining her dowry. Jabir’s opinion was that she has no right to have a
62 See below p. 71, Table of Topics of Athar al-Rabt .
63Musnad al-Rabi' b. Habib, hadith no. 40, p. 17, and see examples in al-Qannibt, a/-
Rabi’ b. Habib: makanatuh wa musnaduh, p. 112.
About the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib17
dowry but only her portion from his inheritance. Then somebody said to him
that Ibn Mas‘iid says that she has to have a dowry like similar women of her
case. Nonetheless, Jabir denies this tradition and says: “if we find this
[transmission] from Ibn Mas‘id through a credible (thiga) person we would
accept it” (tradition [4])TM.
The second feature is the practice of what was later to become known as
ytihad when there is no textual evidence. There are many examples of this
‘controversial’ feature in the work of Athar al-Rabi', some of which may
well involve the use of qiyas (analogy). Somebody told Jabir that his father
Prevented him from performing hajj. Jabir asked him: ‘How many prayers do
you have to perform every day?’ The man said: ‘Five.’ Jabir said: ‘So if your
father asked you not to perform one of these five will you omit it?’ The man
Said: ‘No.’ Jabir said to him: ‘Then you have to do hajj’ (Tradition [292]).”
Thirdly there is the recognition of necessities and unusual circumstances,
Such as performing the prayer sitting instead of standing when performing it
in a ship, for example, or not to prostrate if the earth is wet due to bad
 weather conditions.
. Finally there is flexibility of opinion when good intentions are recog-
 nized. A good example of this is tradition [268] regarding someone who had
 made a mistake in his talbiya of hajj and recited the talbiya of ‘umra instead;
 Jabir Said that this is all right, since the man was intending hajj and not
 umra, whereas the Kufans say that it is according to his statement not his
 intention. On other occasions we find this flexibility very apparent with
 Jabir’s fatawa (legal opinions) when there is a necessity as in traditions
 [298], [310] and [313].
All these features can be foundin other Muslimschools but their
 Presence in the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib antedates any evidence in other
 works of other madhahib. This means that the legal notions of the Ibadiyya
 Were present at a very early stage. Thus any overview of the Ibadiyya that
 'gnores this and simply concentrates on political and doctrinal principles 1s at
the very least incomplete.
Careful reading of the text allows us to extract important information
about the political and doctrinal principles of the early Ibadis, especially in
Basra where many significant confrontations took place and many secret and
Non-secret opposition movements flourished. One of these topics is regarding
the assassination of the third caliph ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan (in 35/656). This
ee
64 See below Ch. Il, Notes on the Edited Text: [4], and for the use of the term thiga, see
p. 131-133.
65 More light is thrown on this point in Ch. IV, Evaluation, see pp. 155-158 below.
66 There are other examples in the book of the same line: traditions [38], [47],
[317].
18Chapter One
 particular tradition [18] is not ascribed to Jabir b. Zayd or any of his Ibadi
 contemporaries. Instead, it is reported that “Ali b. Abi Talib once mentioned
 ‘Uthman in a speech and he said about him: “Truly, Allah killed him while |
 was with Him”. This statement not only summarizes the Ibadi view on that
 distinctive issue; but by ascribing it to ‘All it also indicates their attitude
 towards later vital political events, such as the revolt of Talha and al-Zubayr
 (36/656) which led to the Battle of a/-Jamal and the rebellion of Mu‘awiya
 which led to the encounter at Siffin in 37/657. Both revolts were activated by
the ostensible aim of bringing the murderers of ‘Uthmanto justice.°’ The
 above mentioned quotation encapsulates the view that both revolts were
 illegitimate and more importantly makes clear the Ibadi perception that ‘Alt
 approved of the assassination of ‘Uthm&an. Another parallel example is
tradition [248] which presents the opinion of ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar on the
 situation in Mecca during the confrontation between ‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr
and ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan® (73/692), and his advice to Mujahid not to
enter Mecca as the people there have turned “kuffar smiting each other’s
necks”. This statement of Ibn ‘Umar not only summarizes the Ibadi view” on
that incident but apparently provides phraseology that legitimises the use of
kuffar’’ when describing what had happened or who had been involved. Of
similar substance also is tradition [290] which also reports that ‘Abd Allah b.
 ‘Umar asked a group of people — probably some of his students — who were
used to visiting leaders and Umayyad caliphs of that time, what they said to
them when visiting them. They said: ‘We say what pleases the caliph’. Ibn
 ‘Umar then replied to them that ‘by God this is nifag (hypocrisy)’. This view
of Ibn‘Umar,whichhas also been quotedin non-Ibadi sources,’’meant
much for Ibadi organisers at that time, in categorizing the supporters of the
dominating regime as mundfiqin though not mushrikun. This particular
example provides grounds of fair refutation to the accusation thrown at Ibadis
67For more details of these events and the Ibadi stance see al-Barradi, al-Jawahir al-
muntaqat fi-ma akhalla bihi sahibu al-Tabagat, (lith. 1302/1885), pp. 54-145.
68 See Ibn Kathir: a/-Bidaya wa al-nihaya, (Egypt, Matba‘at al-Sa‘ada), 8:329-333.
69 For a general view of the participation of so called Khawarij on this particular confron-
tation between Ibn al-Zubayr and ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan see al-Bakkay, Harakat al-
Khawarij, (Beirut 2001), p. 100-104.
70 This phrase has influenced many writers to include Ibadis among the Khawarij regard-
less of the crucial difference in the meaning and therefore the implications of this term
between Ibadis and Khawanj. For Ibadis it can either be used for unbelieving and for
being ungrateful. Cf. Crone, P., and Zimmermann, F., The epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan,
(Oxford University Press 2001), pp. 195, 198-203;and Cook,M., Early Muslim
Dogma, pp. 64-65.
71 See below Ch. III, Note on the Edited Text, [290].
About the Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib19
On their attitude towards their opponents. The peaceful and tolerant approach
the [badis followed, not only made them distinct from the violent, activist
Khiarijite groups but enabled them to live in harmony with other Muslims.
Early Ibadi authorities rejected labelling their fellow Muslims as polytheists.
Instead,they used the terms ahi al-qibla, muwahhidiin (monotheists), mun@dfi-
qun (hypocrites) and kuffar ni‘ma (infidels-ingrate), all of which is far from
considering their opponents as infidels or polytheists. The last two terms are
demonstrated in the Athar al-Rabi‘ as described above. As an attempt to
briefly clarify the Ibadi standpoint regarding this matter, two interesting facts
need to be claborated here:
1) Ibadis among all early Muslim theological schools were the most
Concerned with condemning and refuting in writings the violent
approach and extremist views of the Khawarij. They have a rich
literatureof epistles,letters, treatisesanddebateswithAzariga,
Najdiyya, and also other groups such as Qadariyya, Murji’a, ... etc.”
The question of the attitude towards opponents always tops the list of
their arguments. In short, ‘Ibadis’ as Ennami describes, ‘never broke
this principle; they never killed women or children of their opponents
or killed the injured or followed a routed enemy of them, nor did they
take their property for spoils’. > 73
2) Ibadis do not limit the labelling of munafigiin, kuffar ni‘ma to non-
Ibadis. They also use them for committers of great sins and for unjust
rulers of their own” in the same way other schools call them fussaq
(pl. of fasig, corrupt) and ah/ al-kaba ir (committers of great sins).
This means that the disagreement between Ibadis and Sunnis on this
matter is a mere linguistic debate.”
All the €xamples mentioned in this section (assassination of ‘Uthman, revolts
of Talha and al-Zubayr, the Battle of al-Jamal, the conflict of Siffin and the
useof kuffar and mundfiqiin) present what are considered by non-Ibadis as
Khariji links. Ibadis on the contrary rejected this connecting of them to the
awarij by showing that they were not the only ones to criticize the general
Political atmosphere and that they did not invent the terms they used since
ee
 72 See Kashif,al-Siyar wa al-jawabat al-‘umaniyya,passim;and al-Salimi, a/-Lum‘a,
Pp. 16~30.
 7Ennami, Studies, p. 133.
4 A good Summary of the evidence of the Ibadiyya with a detailed discussion about this
 95‎ عناكذا51 01 be found in Mu‘ammar, al-Ibadiyya fi mawkib al-tarikh, pp.
89-92.
A good account on this dilemma is in al-Warjlani, a/-Dalil wa al-burhan, 2:338-346.
20Chapter One
these terms where used by the Prophet and his Companions. And they hold
the position that sharing some stances with the Khawarij should not be
interpreted as an approval of all their views, and thus should not lead to
include Ibadis in the negative image of the violent Kharijism of the Azariga
and Najdiyya.
Moreover, this work contains good evidence of how [badi leaders were
watching events very closely. We see this in the emphasis of Jabir b. Zayd on
attending al-Jum‘a (Friday) prayer with al-Hajjaj, ° his fatwa regarding the
acceptance of the gifts of governors’’ and asking his fellows not to abandon
or even weaken their relationships with him and with one another.’® The book
contains a few but valuable traditions that show the success achieved by
following this strategy to the extent that distinguished Ibadi personalities
referred to Jabir in most of their religious matters, as in traditions [253],
[254], [257] and [260]. This enabled them to consider every step they should
take to maintain their relation with the mainstream and avoid any disruption
to their movement.’”’ It seems that this purpose was the essential Ibadi priority
at that time, along with the proper scholarly and religious preparation
(tarbiya). Thus we find in the book (in tradition [296]) that they preferred not
to become involved in the rebellion of ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. al-
Ash‘ath in 81/700".
Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib also provides us with a general picture of the
difficulties and hardships that Ibadis had to suffer. One of them was bay at
Ibn Ziyad (forcing the public by the sword to give allegiance to ‘Ubayd Allah
b. Ziyad). Ibadis found it [slamically unacceptable. Yet expressing this view
would ultimately obliterate their movement; and therefore the only solution,
though not an easy solution, was to hide for a time until their concern was
sorted (tradition [303]). Another example is tradition [286] where it is
ascribed to Ka‘b b. Siwar that he enjoined Muslims to fear God as there was
going to be war and bloodshed and that he asked them to keep themselves
isolated (amarahum bi-I-i tizal) from these problems.
In addition,therearesometracesin Atharal-Rabi‘of thecaution
required in dealing with the regime that led to compromises about which
people were uneasy. A good paradigmof this is tradition [293]. It shows
76 See traditions: [65], [254], [316].
77 See tradition: [275].
78 Tradition: [87].
79 EF, Ill, p. 649, s.v. al-Ibadiyya.
80 Most — though not all — Sunni historians claim that all scholars and dignities in Basra
supported Ibn al-Ash‘ath in his revolt, see for example: Ibn Kathir: al-Bidaya wa al-
nihaya, (Egypt, Matba‘at al-Sa ‘ada, n.d.), 9:37.
اج عقطالة عط اأنامطم-28 '[ط5. ]1[طد7ط21
Jabir b.Zaydveryclose to oneof al-Hajjaj’ssecretaries,Yazidb. Abi
Muslim who was, more or less, sympathetic to the Ibadt movement and its
leaders, Yet Jabir having his own reservations about Yazid, as could be seen
In his statement, was compellednot to damagethis relationship,in the
presence of Yazid at least.
To conclude this section about the significance of the work of Athar al-
Rabi‘ b, Habib, it is plausible to state that this work provides strong grounds
for what Zimmermann and Crone describe when they say that “the Ibadis
Constitute less then one percent of the total number of Muslims today, but,
unlike many other tiny sectarian groups dotted about the landscape of the
Middle East, they have a rich literary heritage stretching back to the
formative centuries of Islam”.®!
١ This work of al-Rabi' b. Habib is, in sum, a typological reflection of
Ibadism at its earliest existence. It is true that most of the material in the work
Is figh, which as shown above provides good grounds for further studies, yet
with all its traces of important historical events, its samples of Ibadi founding
Political Organisation, authorities involved, dogmatic perceptions and many
 other aspects in it, are witnesses of the general significance of this work.
ee
81The epistle of Salim ibn Dhakwan, p. |.
CHAPTER TWO
ATHAR AL-RABI‘ B. HABIB
ARABIC TEXT
 Sigla
Text
[1]numbers given to each tradition according to the first
Tunisian copy
 [E1]numbersgivento traditions that are missingin the
Tunisian copies but found in the Egyptian copy
/end of a page or folio in the manuscripts; the copy and
the page/folio number are shown on the left margin next
to /
> ‎< كانconjectural addition
)(المثنىuncertain reading‏
Tome. ibillegible text
€>Quranic quotation
]51[numbersusedtoindicatesections that Iconsider
spurious, on paragraphs with such a number (they come
between [233] and [234]), see p. 53-56
Footnotes
0first Tunisian copy
 [12second Tunisian copy
Ethe Egyptian copy
1reading shared by T1 and T2
MSSreading shared by T1, T2 and E
~Enot in E
TST]T1 additionally has ‎قد
Q: 16:75quotation from the Qur’an, stra number 16, verse 75
24Chapter Two
Edited Text
الطاى ب56 .
98Ly‏7.
هذا الحزء الأول من آثار الربيع عن ضمام عن حابر بن زيد
0501
 - 46 a gaعن رجحل قذفGML
‏ply geضمام بن السائب
امرأته ولم يتلاعنا ولم يترافعا ولم يردا ذلك ثم مات أحدهماء قال :يرئه صاحبه.
قبلالظهاروالعتق 5 والصومالطعامأبي الشعفا ء قال:‏ leضمام عنالربيع][2
أن يتماسا.
[ ]3الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال  :إن شاء المحرم باع ثيابه التي <كان>
0021,
فيها وهو محرم واشترى غيرها .
” E starts with ..Js¥! 350) US then comes the basmala and sal ‘ama
1 -TI,E
النبي الكريم 2 +
 1على 3 +
4صحبه 21,1:
 ‏5 —E,T2
] وسلم تسليما 6 +
كتاب 7 2:
] بن حبيب 8 +
هو
01 -
قال 11 1:
1-21
Edited Text25
] [4الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء قال في رحل تزوج امرأة ولم يفرض لها صداقا ثم
 3من .وقال أبو على :إجماعمات قال  :لا صداق لما وعليها العدة ولا الميراث
الفقهاء أن لها صداق نسائها أو مكنان مثلها من أهل بيتهاء وروي ذلك عن ابن
مسعود أن لما الصداق» قال :لو ‏ Us adعن ابن مسعود و”أعن ثقة لأحذنا به.
1:21[ ]5الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل طلق امرأته  /وهو مريضء قال :ترثه ما
دامت في العدة» فإذا انقضت العدة فلا ميراث لما.
[ ]6الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء أنه أوصى أن تغسله امرأته.
[ ]7الربيع عن ضمام و أبي "" نوح عن جابر بن زيد في المختلعة قال :لا يأحذ منها
أكثر مما أعط.اها .قال أبو علي :لا بأس أن يأحذ أكثر مما أعطاها إذا كان ذلك
بطيب من نفسهاء والبصريون يقولون :لا /أيأخذ أكثر ما أعطاها.
[ ]8الربيع قال أحبرنا أبو نوح قال :متع أبو الشعثاء بخمسين درهما والسعر | يومئذ
رحيص .
1:11[ ]9الربيع قال أخبرنا ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في قراءة  ” 2الظهر والعصر بفاتحة
الكتاب /لا يزيد على ذلك.
[ ]01الرييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لم ير بأسا بالسواك > للصائم في أول
النهار وكرهه فآيخخره.
[ ]11الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في موضحة العبد على نحو موضحة الحر من
قيمته» وكان يقيس جراحات العبيد بجراحات الأحرار من قيمتهم.
[ ]21الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل أهل بعمرة فأبطأ به ! 2السيه فخخاف
 Reالبيت فإذا رجع طافيقلك  22عمرته حجا وكضي إلى عرفات ‏Yo‏ cm gallقال:
 ‏!13 E: le Lea
هذا 41 1:
51
أبا 61 1:
ع 71 -
المتاع 81 81:
91صلاة +
 بالسو ابكأسأله 1022 87::
تقلب 22 1:
62Chapter Two
لهما جميعا .وقال غيره :إذا حاف فوات الوقت رفض العمرة وأهل بالحج اذ  32رجع
"000|
وطاف وعليه دم لرفض العمرة :شاه
0لن ‏ “jal son elبالعمرة  0من التنعيم 52 Cnم
‏4 3
يذبحها ويتصدق بلحمها.
[ ]31الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :‏ SFركاة الفطر قبل أن تخرج إلى
المسجد.”6
 72عشرون بنات[ ]41الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء قال دية الخطأ أحماس
مخاض» وعشرون بنات لبون» وعشرون حقة» وعشرون جذعة ,وعشرون بنو  02لبون‎
:82.39--403“3.L.a"0sal:
T2:2 03دية العمد ثلاثون بنات  /لبون وثلاثون حقة وأربعون جذعة إلى‎ OF Ssوقال:
بازل عامها كلها خلفات ,وقال غيره :إنما الخطأ شبه toatl ‎وقال أصحابنا فيما أرى‎:
الإبل فعليه عشرة آلاف درهم وإن كان من */أهل الذهب فألف‎أكنهمنلمن لم ي
OhnS Slit
] [51الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجل أهل بعمرة في غير أشهر الحج‎.
فقال :متعة إذا قدم في أشهر الحج‎.
:1 1/37] [61الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال  :/يصوم المتمتع بوبح  33أيام وهو محرم‎
 Lael fatsيوم عرفة .قال محبوب بن الرحيل :إذا أحرم صام ثلاثة أيام» وإن كان‎
] [71الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :إذا لم يصم المتمتع العلد  43أيام حتى‎
قبل يوم النحر‎)wu يصم‎وقال غيره :إذاصوم. sak.يوم عرفة فليس بعد ذلك
 cps abe Coryوقال أهل الحجاز :يكون عليه صوم ثلاثة أيام يأ بما متى Le ‎شاء‎.
وإذا23 8: ‎
 42 -
 السعي52 :21 ‎
 62 - 1
 أخماسا72 :551/1 ‎
 بني82 :11 ‎
 ذكر92 :1 ‎
 03 -E
31-1
ذهب32 1 1,2: ‎
 33 E: 406
 ثلاثة 43 1:
Edited Text27
] [18الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال ©” :سمعت ‏Le cnet Syl Magee
وهو ي :خطب وعليه برنوس  380من صوف فذكر عثمان فقال :إن اللقهتقتليلا وأنا معه.
[ ]91الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي ‏ © gua Yi? SG clasالمتمتع السبعة أيام حتى
‏ abإلى أرضه وقراره.
[ ]02الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :الطعام فكيفارة اليمين مد لكل
مسكين» وكان يعجبه الإعطاء به! .وقال غيره :فكيفارة اليمين نصف صاع لكل
مسكين من بر.
[ ]12الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :صوم كفارة اليمين متتابع.
[ ]22الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل طلق امرأته وهو مريض قبل أن
يدخل بماء قال :لها نصف الصداق ولا ميراث لها ولا عدة عليها.
[ ]32الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :تزويج المريض حائز.
3:21حتك أول ‏  2ابنةام عن أبي الشعئاء في رجحل قال لرزجلوقدم عن ضبيع
[ ]42الر
تلدها امرأقي /وقال الآخر د 34قبلت» قال جابر :لا يجوز تزويج لحمل .
[ ]52الربيع عضنمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه يقول :لا نرى”” بأسا بذبيحة المرأة.
[ ]62الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في نصرا ني أو يهودي قذف© مسلماء قال:
2:11لا يبلغ ضربه الثمانين وكذلك العبيد .وقال غيره والكوفيون :يجلد””  /الذمي انين و
العبد أربعين.
532
سامعلتشأبعاثاء يقول 63 1:
 37E,T1:‏agus
برنوسا 83 1:
9-37
04 E:صوم‎
له 14 1:
أولى 24 51:
345
الحبلى 44 "1:
قال لم نر ‏45 E:
‏46 E; las
47 E: a3
82Chapter Two
‏ 8Gيضرب القاذف ضربا شديدا .وقال[ ]28الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء
الكوفيون :ضربا حفيفا.
[ ]92الربيع عن ضمام قال :دحل داخل على أبي الشعشاء هو وامرأته آمنة يأكلان
في شهر رمضان  ¢‏ut ut >? jusés ons Pusنحارا في ‏)Su olan
 8وأما هي فقد“” طهرث ”5من حيضتها””» وليس علينا بأس.75فقدمث من ‏th
[( ]03الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :يركى الحلي .وقال غيره :قال أصحابنا
فيه الزكاة و رووا”” ذلك عن ابن عباس.
[ ]13الربيع عن ضمام عن ‏ Glالشعثاء في رجحل جعل امرأته عليه 3 2كظهر أمه
فمكث بعد ذلك  06أربعة أشهر» قال :هو بمنزلة الحلف يلزمه الإيلاء .وقال الكوفيون:
لا يكون مولباا6
[ ]23الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعثاء قال :الصوم ‏ ope aayلا 36
[ ]33الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء قال :الدية مائة  ”* 2من الإبل في الغلا
والرخص
56
[ ]43الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المستحاضة إذا رأت الدم السائل
اغتسلت وجمعت بين الصلاتين
84 —E
49 E: Jia
50- 1
51 -E
52 E: Jé
سفر لي 35 1:
1-45
فطهرت 55 2:
حيضها 65 1:
بأسا 75 1:
وروا55:ك85 7
95 —T
 فتركها60 1: ‎
 2 52 2 182118132 1.إنه في الإيلاء والظهار يعد أربعة أشهر 16 +
ينوي ذلك 26 2:
36 MSS: dull
 64 MSS: 444
السايل 56 5515:
Edited Text29
] [35الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :إذا قدم المفقود فما أنفقت امرأته في
أربع سنين فهو له لازم» وقال بعض أصحابنا :وعليها نفقة الأربعة ©” أشهر و العشرة
أياه  75التي اعتدت فيها في ‏BL
] [36الربيع  /عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء <قال> :إذا رأت المرأة الكدرة والضفرة© 4:21 2
“استننقت و/توضأت وضوء الصلاة
[ ]73الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :تحزئ أم الولد فكيفارة الظهار وكفارة
القتل .وقال غيره :لا بأس به
[ ]83الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء أنه يكره الصلاة فوق الكعبة
[ ]93الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء ف ‏ CG Gyn oryتطوعا فعطبت؟ قال:
ينحرها  1ليس عليه في نحرها شيء
[ ]04الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل يبعث بمدية بدنة تطوعا مع رحل
فعطبت فنحرهاء قال :ليس على الرسول ضمان ولا على صاحبها بدل» فلا يأكل
? 5 (/‏?Baisمنها الرسول» وإن كانت واجبة أكل منها وعلى صاحبها البدل
الكوفيون يكرهونه
[ ]14الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لم ير بأسا بسؤ  37الحمار الأهلي
[ ]24الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كره الصلاة في الحجر قدر أربعة أذرع مما
يلي البيت
] [34الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء أنه لا يرى بأسا على” المحرم أن يلبس الثوب
الذي عسل من الزعفران والورس والعصفر
 سس
 أربعة 66 21:
 عشرا 76 1:
 الصفرة والكدرة 86 1:
69‏+ 5F
70 —T
 قال 17 - 21. 11:
 بدل 27 1:
 37 —E
74 E: di
75 MSS: 55
30Chapter Two
‏] oe ex! [44ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل تزوج امرأة وهو مريض ثم طلقها
يدحل ‏ Pdeقال :لها نصف الصداق ولا عدة عليها ولا ميراث لماو
[ ]54الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :لا يحجب من لا يرث
‏”O° oe od GUL[ ]64الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لا يرى
والكوفيون يكرهون ذلك
عمها أحدهها[ ]74الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في امرأة توفيت وتركت ‏gl
زوجها والآخر أحوهات” ‏ PAYقال :للزوج النصف وما بقي فللأخ  7من الأم”.
 3‏T1:وقال الكوفيون :للزوج النصف ولأخيها لأمها وهو ابن عمها السدس والباقي بينهما
نصفان وهو قول  /علي وابن مسعود
‏T2:5[ ]84الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :الأصابع عشرة لكل أصبع عشرة من
الإبل/
[ ]94الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :يحرم من الرضاع ما يحرم من النسب
© يرد ملاعنتها؟] [05الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء في رحل قذف امرأته ول
قال :لا بأس عليه فميجامعتهاء ولا بأس عليه”” في ذلك
< في > أصبع”” أم الولد إذا قطع[ ]15الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال
‏cdg80s
] [52الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل توفي وترك أم ولده حاملا
0..‏‘
لا ولد؟ قال :يعتقها من جميع المال
قبل أن 77 1:
‏78 E: le
الميرا:ظ 97|
1821 02ع11 53 2 8:302خ الأتن  , +الأتن 08 1:
بني 18 21:
أخيها 28 01:
من أمها 38 21:
للذخ 48 1:
85‏E: ell
فلم 68 1:
11-78
صبع 88 1:
حامل 98 1:
Edited Text31
] [53الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في رحل ضرب أمة حاملة '” فألقت ولدها
فاستهاك ومات؟ قال :عليه قيمة الولد .وقال الكوفيون :إكنان ‏Sate gh) UME
فنصف عشر قيمة الأمة
‏ dy calsيستحب‏ esأبدل‏ Jالشعئاء قال :إن شاءالربيع عن ضمام عن[]45
 029 4م 39
aLy
الخيار‏!25545 Jigكتابتها” قال :لا خيار
[ ]65الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا بأس أن يلف امحرم على صدره
م69
‏Ly
] [57الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رحل تزوج أمة فعتقت بشراء ‏ aنفسها أو
قال :تختار””بمكاتبة 7
[ ]85الربييع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعفاء قال  : 091لا بأس أن يلبس المحرم الطيلسان
 102 ¢عليه‏1g a
ولا } يززرة
[ ]95الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أن زنحية لامرأة يقال لما تميكة سرقت» فقلنا
‏ ISG sete! GYفيهاء فقال أبو الشعثاء :انطلقوا ‏Late Ast
‏ Asيكره ] [60الربيع عن ضمام عن ‏ glالشعئاء قال :يكره بيع المصاحف»
شراءها 501
eee
09حاملة 55171:
ثياب 29 1:
نقى39 E: ‎
49مكاتبته:1 ‎
59مكاتبتها:1 ‎
69 E: ws
 97TI,E: | su
 98بكتابة1: ‎
99لها الخيار 1:
001+
101المتنا 55/1:
201يزورره 51:
301اتكلم 1
فارسوا 401 71:
وها 501 17:ا, 2ر:شاهاشر
23Chapter Two
[ ]61الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعثاء قال :المرأة نصف العقل في جميع الأشياء كلها
6:21[ ]26الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء ف رحل قال :الحلال عليه حرام؟ قال :كفارة
 "9لمتحرمبمين» و قال الكوفيون إن نوى طلاقا فهو ما نوى وإن لينو طلاقا
 E: 73/2‏ "aleامرأته  /وعليه /كفارة بمين
] [36الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لا يرى ‏ PLLبذبيحة الغلام الذي ”!ا
عقل الصلاة
[ ]46الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء أن رحلا دخل على امرأته فاحتوشه ولده
 21نغولك» فقلنا لأبي الشعثاء وأعلمناه أنمنها فأقبل"'! عليها فقال) :ي!112
النغل فينا ولد الزناء قال :انطلقوا فاستروا ما ستر الله
311
[ ]56الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :صلوا مع السلاطين ‏cde Le
لوقتها
[ ]66الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال 31! :‏ OF abyمن الشمس فلا تصلوا
‏ gtحتى تغرب الشمسعلى
[ ]76الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء ل ير بأسا أن يطرح امحرم عليه المحشو
(يدثي) به وني القطيفة يستدفئ”'' با ولا يغطي”' ' رأسه
حرا كان711
[ ]86الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :للأمة الخيار إذا أعتقت
زوجها أو عبدا
[ ]96الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء ف النصرانيين أسلم أحدهما وله ولد صغير»
قال :المسلم أحق بالصغير
 106
 107
 108
 109
 110
 111
 112
 113
 114
 115
 116
 117
Edited Text33
] [70الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المتلهعنان  811يفرق بينهما ولا يجتمعان
أبدا
[ ]17الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لم ير بأسا أن تكون للغلام غلة فيعطيه
مولاه دراهم فيزيده في ‏NY le
] [72الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :ليس بين العبد وسيده ربا
4:11ام عن أبي الشعثاء /قال :أي الأبوين أسلم وله ولد صغير لمضبيعمعن[ ]37الر
يقبل من" ' الولد الصغير إلا دين والده المسلم وإلا قع1ل12
[ ]47الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :البقرة و الحزور تحزي عن سبعة
المرأه من شعرها ما بين الربع[ ]57الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :‏ad
والخخمس
[ ]67الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعناء قال :تقص ر المرأة من شعرها  !*7في عمرتما
أقل مما تقصر في حجها
[ ]77الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه قال :!77الحامل المتوق عنها زوججها نفقتها
من نصيبها
12:7[ ]87الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي  /الشعثاء قال :عدة الحامل المتوق عنها زوجها ‏pT
الأحلين وإن  te:كان oeقد مضى من حملها شهر أو شهرا .ن "4221ء ‎ثم مضت بعد aeذلك أربعة‎
‏ edsللأزواجإذا وضصعت حملهاالكوفيون: وقال‏Oz. 129انقضت‏neyأشهر
[ ]97الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في رحل يقال له ‏ 77 heأعتق عند موته
 82مماليك» وإن عبيد بن خالد سأل جابر بن زيد عن ذلك» فقال :قد أعتق
‏ofاب. ,130wd:‏129
ماهم‏al5كل واحد منهم الثلث» ويستسعولمن
 811الملاعنان 1:
 911—E
 عن 021 8:
  the marginمز  8إني لسملم ابن المسلم قتل121 +- ‎
122—E
123—~T
 421شهرين 1:
 521وعشرا21:
 621—T
127- 1
43Chapter Two
] [80الربيع عن ضمام عن ‏ Ufالشعئاء في مكاتب مات و ترك !ذأ ‏Bs wate
,قال :مولاه والغرماء ' 133فيما ترك سواء , 1342و ” 135قال الكوف;يون :الغرماء أولى والموت
}et te
[ ]81الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رحل اشترى أمة و  3لها زوج قال :لا
‏ g> Lh tyيطلقها زوجها
[ ]28الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء ‏ pth ISL Y :JUلحم الصيد الذي يصيده
!Je
] [83الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء قال :خطأ الصيد وعمده في الحرم يحكم عليه
وما أصاب ف الحل من خخطأ وهو محرم وضع عنه
[ ]48الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء< قال>> :إذا كانت للرجل على المرأة رجعة
وقد احتاحت إلى أن تتزين فلتتزين
[ ]58الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء < قال > :إذا أوصى الرجل بمج ثم 831 0
مات ‏ae ad
] [86الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :إذا ابتليت المرأة بكسر فخذها أو
رحلها””' فلم يجدوا لها بدا من الطبيب داواها رحل فستر ”كل شيء منها إلا ذلك
الموضع ويحضرها أولياؤها
[ ]78الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء أنه كان يقول :إنكم إذا حفوتهونا وتركتمونا
أنكرنا أنفسنا
821
921
031
131
231
331
431
531
631
731
831
931
041
Edited Text35
] [88الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كره نكاح السر
[ ]98الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء أنه كله  141أن يكون نكاح إلا بإذن الولي أو
في جماعة من العشيرة
[ ]09الربييع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال إذا لميكن للمرأة و 24 8ول نكاحها
|عريف العشيرة وكان ذلك أمراأ علانية
 8‏T2: /عن أبي الشعثاء أنه قال :من لم يحل بينه وبين منزله[ ]19الربيع عن ضمام
الم  341فعليه الجمعة
441
وم[ ]29الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :إذكاانت المرأة في بعض القرى
يكن للا ‏ dy Uyنكاحها الوالي ويكون ذلك علانية
‏Sy[ ]39الربيع عن ضمام عن أب الشعئاء قال :المتوق عنها زوجها تنتقل»
الكوفيون :لا تخرج إلا من ‏145 he
] [94الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعثاء قال :لا يأكل امحرم قديد اللحم
5:11الربيع عن ضمام عن ‏ Jlالشعثاء  /قال :دية اليهودي والنصراني وا موسي ثلث
[]59
دية المسلم؛ وقال الكوفيون :الناس كلهم في الدية سواء641
[ ]69الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء قال :يكره كراء  741الأرض للزرع بالدراهم,
وقال الكوفيون :لا بأس  "7به
 «9الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :اللعب في التزويج و الطلاق و العتاق
 941على أهله
الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا يقتل مسلم بمشرك يهودي أو نصراني5
لمحا 031] [99الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا يشتري امحرم قديد الصيد
يكره]41 ::[ ‎
;241 E: ul
!341 MSS: dl
القرا441 7/155: ‎
ضرر :لآ541 ‎
641 TIE: |p
741 TI1,E: |S
يأمر841 E: ‎
941 MSS: Jule
المحل051 ”1': ‎
36Chapter Two
] [100الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء :قال يقتل المحوسي باليهودي والنصراني»
ويقتل اليهودي باحوسي
[ ]101الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :شهادة أم الولد بمنزلة شهادة الأمة
[ ]201الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في ‏ Plead douأمة وهي””' أم ولدعط”!
جا  031فدخل بما ثم مات السيدء قال :ماكان على‏ mK,بصداق عاحل و
‏ gph Sida op Wegلورئة الميت
‏ PT shوعتقها[ ]301الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :يجوز بيع أم الولد
[ ]401الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في مكاتب تزوج حرة فولدت له وهو
‏ OY Sigh 8 yyوقال الكوفيون :ولاء الابن المولود للمرأة ما لممكاتب» قال:
‏ 9bلهم جميع الكتابة
9:21[ ]501الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء  /قال المكاتبة إذا عجزت وقد ولدت فليس
مواليها بيع ولدها في تمام مكاتبتها ولكنها””” تطالب وقال الكوفيون تباع ويباع ولدها
إذا عجزت
] [601الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعناء أنه ل ير ! ' 0بذبيحة الصبي بأسا للنسك
إذا عقل الصلاة
[ ]701الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في ذبيحة اليهودي والنصراني إذا خلا
كام قال :تؤكلبذبيحته فلم ب1ر 26مي  361أو
1511:و,جز:طتوجيتز
152‏-E
153T:aly
154T: Jay
155MSS: dals
651للزوج 1:
وشراها751 1]:
الولا851 MSS: ‎
951يودي 1:
061لاكنها:55171 ‎
*E has the next question first, 1.6 107 comes before 106
161E: |b:
تدر 261 1:
361 E; lawl
يسمي 461 1:
Edited Text37
ام عن أبي الشعئاء لمير بذبيحة ما ذبح لغير القبلة حطأ بأسامعن ضبيع
] [108الر
إذا < لم > توجه الذبيحة”* للقبلة» وقال الكوفيون :إذا +قف...و..م +...أكل
وإلا فلا تؤكل
وإن احتاج صاحبه[ ]901الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا يباع الدب
[ ]011الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعئاء قال :لا يباع المدبر في الدين
[ ]111الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :الطعام للمساكين فيكفارة الظهار مد
لكل مسكين .وقال الكوفيون :نصف صاع من حنطة أو صاع من تمر أو شعير لكل
مسكين 761وإن أعطى ©" ! قيمة ذلك فضة !!ب961
[ ]211الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :طعام المساكين في فدية الصوم مد
لكل مسكين
[ ]311الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :طعام المساكين في فدية اللحزاء  71مد
لكل مسكين» وقال غيره :نصف صاع
[ ]411الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعثاء قال :فيما سقت السماء والأتمار والعيون
والدوالي والنضح نصف العشرlye‏ges Leahy pal
[ ]511الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعفاء أنه كره أن يضحى بالأبتر
‏] ew! [116عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل يزوج أم ولده لرحل؛ قال :هي
إذا نزعها‏asheبمنزلة الأمة
 561ذبيحة 1:
 661مدبر 01:
167‏—E
168MSS:Use
16917455:اجزاه‎
 071الجزا:551/71 ‎
 [71سقا:1 ‎
 271 السواقيE: ‎
 371 MSS; lay
38Chapter Two
] [117الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :ليس على قاذف الأمة حد وإن كان
:8 74/1‏]Stها زوج ” 71مسلم ح”ر . 71*27وقال الكوفيون :إنكانت معروفة بالصلاح
إما بسجن وإما بتسريح إنكان من أهل المرو ءة '/7وإن كان من أهل السفه فالأدب
بالضرب
‏T2:01
[
أم ولده  (3مرضه.
 /الشعقاء  3رجل أعتق . 871عن ‏Jlالربيع عن ضمام][811
 6‏T1: gaelرحل ف مرضهماذا  /عليها ؟ قال :عليها ما على ‏ay TAY
 281المكاتب يحصن الحرة والمكاتبة تحصن] [119الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء
الحر
381هي1
‏] ye plas Ge awl [Elأبي الشعثاء في أم ولد تحت حر زنت؟ قال :لا ترحم
[ ]21الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :ليس بين أم الولد وزوجها لعان إذا كان
حرا 481
‏ ASIوقال‏ Jlالشعثاء قال :بحوز شهادة المكاتبالربيع عن ضمام عن[]221
الكوفيون :لا تحوز
[ ]321الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء 1قال :من نذر 00‏ 581 Ay iisيسم. 2681!*6فيطعم
أجزأه مل لكل مسكينذلك3
[ ]421الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :ما أقر به المكاتب مذنين أو حد
‏“ay
‏174 E: dy
حرا:ط 571
671[ حد +
771المرواة 1,11:
871عتق 1:
أمة 971 81:
180‏—E
181‏E: gel
281قال 1:
183‏—T
1841-
185‏E: eli
186يسمي ‏E:
Edited Text39
‏] ye aus! [125ضمام عأنبي الشعئاء قال  77في رحل أوصى مكاتبه؛ قال :هو
‏ Zoey gay leوقال غيره :الوصية إليه حائزة ما لم يعجز فإن عجز بطلت وصيته؛
هو عبد لأوليائه ولا وصية لهء ويقيم القاضي وصيا للميت” 81غيرهوقال ‏ oTطن
[ ]621الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في مكاتب عجز قال :لا يرد في الرق
‏ .190 gy,يطلب
[ ]721الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل أوصى لأم ولده بمال» ثم مات
وليس لها ولد منه بعد؟ قال :ما أوصى به لها يرد للميرات 171
[ ]821الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل ‏ 7 CASغلامه ثم مات الرحل
وترك بنين وبنات؛ وقد بقي على المكاتب مكنتابته فأدى””' إلى ولد الرحل بقية
كتابته بعد موته < قال > :فالولاء”” ' للميت وعنه يورث الولاء
[ ]921الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء عن مكاتب مات وترك أولادا وترك عليه
بقية مكنتابته» قال :يؤدون””! ما بقي مكنتابته وما بقى فهو ميراث لولده
[ ]031الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :للمكاتب أن يتزوج بغير إذن مواليه»
وقال الكوفيون :لا يتزوج
[ ]131الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :شراء 691
المكاتب وبيعه جائز وهبته
791زر
[ ]231الربيع عن ضمام عن أب الشعئاء في مكاتب حل عليه /غرم نحومه فكفل ‏ 11:21
به و 71فمات المكاتب؟ قال :لزم الرحل ما تكفل به عنه
[ ]331قال أبو الشعثاء :‏ cofالرحل أم ‏ olyولا يستأمرها
 781
 881آخر 1:
 981للميت وصيا 1:
190‏MSS: oSY
 191فايلميراث 1:
 291كاتبه 1:
 391MSS; tal
194MSS: Yo
195MSS:يودوا‎
 691شرا:2,11 ‎
 وبيعه وهبته جايز791 :1 ‎
 )891 MSS: da
40Chapter Two
] [134الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :لا يخرج المعتككف إلى قادم من سفر
[ ]531الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المعتكف لا يجيب الدعوة» وإن
002 901عله ل
يأبأوحب
02
جمع 'رج ث
ملر فأيشهر الحت رح
ع عناعثاء
[ ]631الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الش
إلى أهله ثم حج في 217عامه ذلك؟ قال :عليه الهدي ,وقال الكوفيون :لا يكون عليه
المدي لأنه رجع إلى أهله
[ ]731الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المعتكف لا يدخل الحمام ولا يخرج
لشراء ولا لبيع .وقال الكوفيون :لا يضره ما احتبس بعد أن يكون ‏SELES Ob ele
أكثر من نصف يوم استأنف الاعتكاف
[ ]831الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في الإيلاء إذا مضت أربعة أشهر فهي
302تطليقة
[ ]931الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل قال :الحلال عليه حرام وله امرأة
أرادها ولم يرد الطلاق بذلك؟ قال :كفارة يمين
402
[ ]041الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :إذا كان قميص كفن الميت إزارا
T1:7من فوق القميص ورداء”” و يدس | من فوق
[ ]141الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا يخرج المعتكف لحنازة إلا الجنازة من
يلي الصلاة عليها
] [241الربيع عن ضمام عن أني الشعثاء قال( 2 :الحميل) يصدق ويورث إلا
‏ PT fod Sys OLمن المشركين :فلان أي» فإن مات الرحل المسلم ولم يكن
199 Scripsi. MSS. 42e cual
200MSS: bbls
102عاد 01:
202من 1:
302باينة 01,11:
402إزار 1:
502وردا 55471:
602مسلم 551:
702رجل 1:
Edited Text]4
له وارث؛ يصدق أعحه  802المشرك إذا أسلم وورئه .وقال الكوفيون :لا يصدق
‏ 209 sa,هذا البينة
21: 21[ ]341الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء قال :إذا وهبت هبة في حق أو صلة رحم
 012الولد جاز قبضه أو لم يميضه  /وقال الكوفيون :لا ج 112المبة لأحد من
الناس إلا مقبوضة معلومة محوزة
[ ]441الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء أنه كان لا يرى  212بأسا ج 1312وطئ”41
وقعد عليها من النمارق» وكره ما نصب من التصاوير
[ ]541الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المعتكف لا يعود مريضا
[ ]641الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المعتكف يجمع ويقيم في المسجد ما
بدا له
512
 ¢قال:[ ]741الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل طلق امرأته وهي حائض
‏ | Eley aang “Oyلحيضة من أقرائها
‏>oشيئابتزويج الصغار712عن أبي الشعفاء أنه ‏ Yيرىضمامالربيع عن[]841
>219
‏ arفإذا بلغوا فلا خيار لهم وإن كان الذي زوجعائشة رضي الله عنهالصديق02
‏ anyغير الأب فإذا بلغت فلها الخيار
802E: olal
90211:يل س, 1ول : سبي
012Ez \ gu
211يجورTl: ‎
 .212 MSS: ls
213[1
 412وطي 55117:
 512 MSS: pala
216-—E
217E:يرا‎
 812جايز 55437:
 912[
 022أبو بكر الصديق رضي الله عنه عايشة 1 50867:
أبو بكر رضي الله عنه عايشة رضي الله عنها ‏while TI reads:
221E:ولي‎
42Chapter Two
] [149الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء في  27رحل ظاهر من أمته؟ قال :ليس له
أن يمسها حتى يكفر كفارة الظهار
ام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل ظاهر من أمته و  02يمسها قبل أنم عن
ضبيع
[( ]051الر
‏ ESعليه» وقال الكوفيون :الظهار من الأمة باطليكفر؟ قال:
[ ]151الرييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في رحل مات وترك امرأته حاماة422؟ قال:
إن أرضعته وكان لابنه مال كان ذلك في ماله
[ ]251الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :على الرحل نفقة امرأته حتى ينتهي
إليها طلاقه لأنما لا تقدر على التزويج .وقال الكوفيون :عليه النفقة حتى تنقضي العدة
إذا كان قد دحل بما
[ ]351الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أن عبد الملك بن مروان  5برحل تزوج
امرأة ابنه» فقال :إن جهلت وما ظننت به بأساء فقال :لا جهل ولا تحاهل ف
31:21‏ oeوقال الكوفيون  :/إنالإسلام» فضرب عنقه» فرضي أبو الشعثاء فعله واستحسنه
كان تزوجها على جهالة  34وعليه صداق مثلها
[ ]451الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء أنه لم ير بأسا أن يرمل بالبيت يوم النحر
[ 7“ ]551الربيع عن ضمام أبي الشعثاء أنه كان يكره الصلاة في الكعبة
[ ]651الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :إذا جعل ‏)gh acl fer all Jord
عالت أو عمته أو ابنته 2ه بمنزلة واحدة
أئئه صارت[ ]751الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه قال :إذا ورث الرحل
حرة
 2:47‏E:[ ]851الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كان يكره الإقران بين الأصابع في
الصلاة /
222E: us
223 E:a
224 E: dea
وحسنه 522 51
226 -E‏.
لوته 722 1:ااختهعم
8+2 2ال
 1ق
922 E; dsl
Edited Text43
] [159الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا ينصرف الرجل من  07طوافه إلا
عن وثر
T1: 8ام عن أبي الشعئاء قال :لكل طواف ‏[> aSمعنضبيع
[ ]061الر
] [161الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا نرى للمملوك طلاقا وقال 5 :عبدا
مملوكا لا يقدر على ش2يء423
‏ Jlالشعثاء قال :ليس للمختلعة نفقة[ ]261الربيع عن ضمام عن
 332أو غرق[ ]361الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :إذا فقد الرحل في حرق
‏diasعلى صاحبهم مالمفقود ففيطلقون432‏ lewdأولياءمامرأته أربع سنين‏ayy
632 , 532. ,ىن1عل‏tet
‏ Soيحي ء خبرلا تنكح أبداالكوفيوناربعة أشهر وعشرا م تتزوج» وقال
‏ SL,بالبيت»‏ Yيرى على النساءعن ‏ Jlالشعفاء أنه كانالربيع عن ضمام][461
ولا بين الصفا والمروة» ويسرعن في المشي
[ ]561الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء قال :إذا قدم المفقود وقد تزوحت امرأته
 Boal Fy PPبين الصداق وبين امرأته؛‏”? gfعلم ‏VI hin ony Leer GH Lm
فإن اختار امرأته فلها الصداقان جميعا ولا بسها الأول حتى تنقضي عدتما من هذا
الآخر
 ‏E: oe
ركعتين 1:
 ‏Q: 16:75
حرب :آ
أوليا "51,1
-1
 ‏—T
44Chapter Two
] [166الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :يحبر المفقود بين امرأته وبين صداق
‏ yeذلك فليس له 41:21الآخر فإن احتار الصداق وكان مثل صداقه فله  /وإن كان أقل
إلا مثل الذي أصدقها وتترك  042على حاا عند زوجها الآخر» وقال الكوفيون :لا
يخير إن شاء طلق وإن شاء أمسك
4242-0اا,
قال :عليه دم» وما بين ذلك ففيه الصوم والصدقة
,300
ale[ ]861الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي ‏! boil jist G cleatوOpkd
لله
ويه  442عب  542قال :فيه صوم يوم أو يومين أو إطعام مسكين أو مسكينين» وقال
الكوفيون :إذا لم ينو شيئا فعليه إطعام عشرة مساكين ك‏gbاليمين
07120,
 } :الحج أشهرالربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في قوله تعالى[]961
من ذي الحجةمعلومات ي  84قال :شوال وذو القعدة 2
052,
ماشيا[ ]071الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :إذا جعل ‏eel abe fort
”“فعليه الحج ماشيا فإن عجز فليحج راكبا مرتين أو يحج مرة ويجعل معه راكبا
 ?79 ayعبي  352ركب وعليه شاة يذبحها ويتصدق‏ek فينفقه» وقال الكوفيون:
بلحمها
932- 1
042يتركها 01:
142.أول 8:
242آخرا [51:
342يسمي 1:
 244‏-T
 245‏Ez ee
 246وهي ‏E:
 247- ,11
 248:0 7
942عشر 1:
052 -2
152 - 1
وإن 252 1:
 ‏253 MSS: be
Edited Text45
[ ]171الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء سكل “ 7‏ YP Ss Gnd yeيؤكل إلا
مضموناء يعني من عمل المصلين””” و”"“اليهود والنصارىء ولا يؤكل  0من الحين ما
عملت المحوس» فقال له رحل :فالسمن؟ فزحر السائل ” 7فلم يساو " 7بينهما .وقال
الكوفيون :لا بأس به ما لم ‏201 lsنحاسة أو ميتة
[ ]271الربيع عن ضمام ‏ 202 fyنوح صالح الدهان أن أبا الشعثاء قال :المكاتب لا
يدبر ولا يباع ولا يرد في الرق ولا يباع من حاحة
[ ]371الربيع عن ضمام وأبي  77نوح أن أبا الشعثاء كان يقول :الخلع ليس بطلاق
[ كهيئتهن! .وقالرون  4602تطليقات» وقال غيره :هي تطليقةوإن راجعها عدت
الكوفيون :إن نوى  562‏ 266 tpوزيدئ  762وإن لم تكن له نية فهي 962,4, 862
 72وهى أملك بنفسها
51:21/[ ]471الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :المعتق عن دبر من <رأس >> مال
وقال الكوفيون :من الثلث
[ ]571الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كان يجمع بين الصلاتين في السفر
[ ]671الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كان يقول :تمتعوا بالعمرة في الحج فإن
< التمتع ب>العمرة أفضل
 ee
 سأل  , 21:سيل ‏254 T1,E:
552قال 1
652المسلمين 1:
النصارى واليهود 752 1:
852يوكل 55147:
952السايل 1 1,1:
062يساوي 1:
162يعمل 1:
262أبو 51:
 376251أبو
462ثلاثة 1:
562نوى 55171:
662ثلاثة 55417:
 762T: 4a
268-7
270MSS: ob
64Chapter Two
] [177الربييع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رحل طاف بالبيت ‏BO path ae by
شوط منها واحترق الحجر احتراقاء قال :شوطه ذلك باطل
‏ amtالملاعنة» قال له:472[ ]871الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل قذف
إنك لابن زانية ولست بابن فلان  .للذي لاعن أمه  .قال :عليه الحد .وقال الكوفيون:
عنه ” 77الحد بالشبهة‏ Shesالنسب 2لا حد عليه لأنه قذفها بمولود
[ ]971الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في صغير أسلم أحد أبويه ثم مات الصغير؟
قال :يليه آ2ل 5/المسلمون ويدفن في مقابرهم
ل ير  276بأسا بذبيحة الحائلض[ ]081الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه
[ ]181الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال يجزيء الرحل 77ط“واف واحد لحجه
278‏ey
] [182الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل تزوج ابنة  772عم له فوصلها عند
لحاء دل بما أو لم يدخل بمادخوله بغلام معروف بعينه فوهبه لهاء قال :هو ‏Ble
قداث زوجتك ابنتي[ ]381الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في رحل قال لرحل:
وهو لاعبء فقال 22الآخر :قد قبلت وهما لاعبان» قال :النكاح جائز ‏ PPإذاكان
الشهود» وقال الكوفيون :إذا كان الشهود فجائز وإن لميحضر الشهود فباطل
[ ]481الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رجحل يستأجر الأرض منرحل سنين
؛ وقالمائة 482درهم كل سنة يزرعها بنفقته وغلمانه» فكره ذلكللزرع يعطيه
PNالكوفيون :لا بأس ‏82 PIS
172
272
372
472
572
672
772
872
972
082
182
282
382
482
Edited Text47
 aLمن جلد‏day of uly] [185الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء أنه لم
الحمار الأهلي» وقال الكوفيون :لا بأس إذا كان مدبوغا
6:21[ ]681الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :تعطى صدقة الفطر  /عانليهودي
المملوك والنصراني
‏ og 7Bعياله
[ ]781الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجل يروج ابنته مدركة بكرا
قال :يستأمرهاء ذلك إليها
[ ]881الربيع عن ضمام عن أب الشعثاء أنه كره أن يصلي الرحل وبين يديه شيء
منصوب فيه تصاوير
[ ]981الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :المعتمر  882ف أشهر الحج إذا قام إلى
الحج أجزأه طواف واحد ”82
[ ]091الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعناء أنه  4ير  ”7 2بأسا بذبيحة اليهودية
والنصرانية
[ ]191الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء “7أنه قال في رحل أصبح لا يطيق 27
الصوم في شهر رمضان فأصبح فاطراء قال :له أن يأكل بقية يومه وإن لم يخف ضعفاء
وكذلك قال الكوفيون
[ ]291الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :ليس على قاذف أم ولد حد ما لم
302الل امرأته ثم كذ[ ]391الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال :إذا لاعن
نفسه في العدة لميجتمعاء وقال غيره :إذكاذب” ” 7نفسه جلد”” الحد ويتراجعان
 582بكرا 85,11:
 68211 jE: ‘aad! .T2: alas
287مكرهة  , 3بكرT: ‎
 882:51
 982طواقا واحدا 71:
 192E: ye
ليمطق ‏292 T:
293أكذبE: ‎
 أكذب492 E: ‎
 592ضرب 8:
84Chapter Two
] [194الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رحل زوج أم ولده رجلا ثم أعتقهاء قال:
‏lusأوحرا كانلما الخيار
ن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في رحل غشي 602
مكاتبته فحملت» قال:ببع ع ] [195الر
11: 01عليه الحد وهي على كتابتها ولا تصير بذلك أم /ولده .وقال الكوفيون :لا حد عليه
وهي بالخيار إن شاءت مضت على كتابتها وأحذت منه العمر تستعين به على
وصارت أم ولده‏ le ON Elsشاءت عجزت
ام عنأبي الشعثاء أنه لمير بأسا أن يدخل المعتكف المسجدم عن
ضبيع[ ]691الر
‏{lite} OT Oly
 298بعأسا بذلبيمحرة العجمي و " 992إن ام عأنبي الشعثاء أنه لمير ”معن ضبيع[ ]791الر
كان زنحيا إذا كان مسلما
 0003بأسا بلحم الفرس والبرذون[ ]891الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لم
والبغل
[ ]991الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء ف رحل قال لامرأته :فرجي على فرحك
ل ع ل +103 +
71:21حرام» قال :لا يحرم عليه ولا يكون طلاقا ولا أدري أن  2أجعل  20”3,عليه كفار0ة يمين ‏
403,,
أم لاء وقال  /الكوفيون :إن نوى  *”7طلاقا أو ظهارا فهو ما نوى وإن نوى يمينا
فكذلك وإن تركها أربعة أشهر بانت منه  /بالإيلاء” "» وإن لميذكر شيئا فكفارة يمن 51: 1/57
703.603,,
PUAN de eal Lol[ ]002الربيع عن ضمام عن ‏pd al cles Gf
ليلا
692يغسى 1:
792الكتابة 1:
892يرا 5547:
 299‏-E
 300‏MSS: !uz
 ‏301 -E
 أيجعل ‏302 E:
نوا 303 5581:
403يمين 1:
 305‏MSS: Yb
 306‏»E: ly
 307الجنايز 551/1:
Edited Text49
] [201الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل تزوج امرأة في مرضه ولم يفرض لها
ثم طلقها ف ‏ Paesقبل أن يدحل بماء قال :لا ميراث لما ولا عدة عليها ولا صداق
لهاء وقال الكوفيون :لها المتعة وهو قولناء والكوفيون يقولون :ثلاثة أثواب درع وخمار
وملحفة ولا عدة عليها ولا ميراث لها
[ ]202الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعئاء في امرأة يكون زوجها غائبا  7'3فسهين"”1
وتنفق على نفسها وتطلبه على ذلكء قال :لما أن تأحذه بذلكء» وقال الكوفيون :ما
استدانت فعلى نفسها لا يلزمه من ذلك شيء إلا أن يكون قد حكم عليه القاضي
بذلك
[ ]302الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعئاء أنه كان يكره أن يربي الرحل فيما بينه وبين
مكاتبه
[ ]402الربيع عن ضمام عن أب الشعثاء أنه يكره أن يتزوج الرحل مكاتبته إلا ‏BSL
وقال الكوفيون :النكاح فاسد
وصيف وألف[ ]502الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل كاتب عبده على
درهم فعجل' '” له الوصيف فلا بأس بذلك
[ ]602الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في عبد قتل حرا عمداء قال :213إن شاءوا
 TPالعبد إنعفوا وإن شاءوا استرقوا وإن شاءوا قتلواء وقال الكوفيون :‏SEY
شاءوا قتلوا وإن شاءوا عفوا “'“فإن عفوا فملك العبد لسيده الأول
الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال جناية المعتق عن دبر على سيده[]702
[ ]802الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء<قال> :لا تعقل العاقلة على المدبر ولا
على العبد ولا على أم الولد
[ ]902الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء ف عبد بين رحلين كاتب أحدهما نصيبه
 803 مرضها:51 ‎
 903 TLE: we
310 MSS: plaid
311فجعل12: ‎
 213- 7
 313يسترقوا:75 ‎
 413 - 7
 513 _f
50Chapter Two
 81‏T2:دون صاحبه .قال :ما أخحذ فهو بينهما ‏ Olinaوقال الكوفيون :الذي لميكاتب
-....3163
يابطللكتابة» وإن  /لم يبطلها ولم يقبض الآخر شيئا حتى ‏ OS Leالكتابة باطلة
نصفة 713بينهماء وإن قبضها في حياة المكاتب أعتق وما أخذ منه فبينهما نصفان
ويصير لشريكه نصف قيمة العبد
[ ]012الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في عبد بين رحلين كاتب أحدهما نصيبه
 813وما 11:11 /كادون صاحبه فمات المكاتب وترك مالاء قال :يكمل ما بقي من
بقي يعطى لشريكه نصف القيمة أو نصف ثمنه فإن بقي شيء كان لورثة المكاتب
[ ]112الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :يصلي الرحل ركعتين في سفره حتى
يدل المصر وإن رأى” '” البيوت
[ ]212الربيع عن تميم بن حويص سأل جابراء فقال له مثل ذلك
[ ]312الربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعثاء في الرحل يبيع من الرجل متاعا بدراهم؟
فقال” :”2لا بأس أن يشتري < منه > بتلك الدراهم متاعا م!ن 23ذلك ”22الصنف
ومن غيره
[ ]412الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل يبيع من الرجل متاعا بنسيئة» قال:
و  423قالأ _ذكلكثأور ,ء 323منلا بأس أن يشتري منه ذلك المتاع بعينه بأقل
623..523
 iLفاسد وهو من ضرب الرباالكوفيون :‏ch tll
613إن 1:
713‏”1٠نصفه
813كتابته ]::
913رءا 5511:
023‏E: Ju
123‏—E
223‏E; él
323‏—TI,E
423‏_T
523‏E: | all
623E: | 531
Edited Text51
 722أحدها] [215الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في ‏) frكاتب عبدين» فأدى
 .‏ 823 antesا ,لذي لم يؤد ‏  923آماوعجز الآخرء اهقال :يمضي عتق ال:آخر الأول
وقال الكوفيون :إذا ‏ >>casالكبابة عتق والآخر على كتابته حتى يؤدي
‏033 vale
قسطه ثم يعتق
[ ]612الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رحل أكذب نفسه بعد الملاعنة» قال:
‏ Jer’,الكوفيون يلزمه الولد ويجلد الحد و يجتمعان‏ eyيجتمعان أبداءيلزمه الولد
‘334TOe‏:
 :لا يجتمعان ابداإذا جلد الحد .وقال ‏Og ol
‏ ulالشعثاء قال :لا يقنص لأهل الذمة من المسلمين»|[ ]712الربيع عن ضمام عن
و““قال الكوفيون :إذا كانت الجراحات عمدا بالحديد فبينهما القصاص إلا أن تكون
633
مرأة؛ فينه ”63ليس  737بيانلرجل والمرأة قصاص
] [812لريع عن ضماء عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا يخرج المعتتكف لعسل الميت ولا
لإغماضه
[ ]912الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء في  73رجحل اعتمر في ذي الحجة بعد
‏ Hlقال :ليس عليه هدي
21: 91[ ]022الرببع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل لاعن امرأته فالتعن /ثم مات قبل
أن يلتعن» قال :يلحق به الولد وكذلك إن ماتت بعد أن تشهد ** أربع شهادات بالله
الخامسة قبل أن تشهد 043
 143العيد  242إيلاى ‏Ll wwعن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء قال :ليس‏][221
327فأدا1: ‎
 823يستسعا:01 ‎
 923E:(60°
330* md
3315as
332E: da
333~T2
334الآخرE: ‎
 5331
 633
 73315
 833:5
 9337
 043E
52Chapter Two
345
 344‏ple
 sw,الكوفيون :إنكان له زوجة فإيلاؤه ”عليه ‏CBE,
] [222الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء قال في الجوهر واللؤلؤ  6*3والخرز والحجارة
والحلى ‏3485445 3475 5 al
<“قال>:عبد”” بين رحلين»] [223الرييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في
‏ Juالكوفيون :ليس على واحد منهما صدقةيعطيان 0953عنه صدقة الفطر
الفطر
[ ]422الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل طلق امرأته تطليقة أو تطليقتين أو
يحلد أنا أشك
ثلا |ث  9. 253قذفهاء قال :يلحق بهالولد ولا أدري أيتلاعنان  ,3أم453
في ذلك وكذلك إن قذفها ثم طلقها واحدا أو ثلاثا  00وقال الكوفيون :إن طلقها
833ثم إنه قذفها فإنه يلاعن وإن طلقها ثانية أو
واحدا أو ان,تي3ن, 65غير بائ,نة753.
فإنه يجلد ولا يلاعن
[ ]522الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في حر تحته أمة فمات وهي ‏M5 tale
نفقة لما
063
ب سا أنoF gl BA ode ‎
منكبيه ويتوشح به
]34 —E
342 للعبد1]: ‎
3431-
344فإيلايه  , 1:فإيلاه 7:
345‏MSS: je
346اللولو 5517:
347— T2
348MSS: 358ji
349E; sles
350»E: de
351 —E
352MSS: 4336
353يتلاعنان1]: ‎
354E: 3l
355MSS: 43%
356 T: Gaul
357 T1,E: 4ub
358E: 4258
359E: Y5
Edited Text53
 103بأسا أن يعتكف الرحل في] [227الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لا
غير المسجد الجامع الأعظم
1121 | 304حرم‏a5 203بأسا  /أن 363.‏ glintأنهعن أبيالربيع عن ضمام5
363zal
{els} y
‏ oyفهما علىالربيع عن ضمام عن أي الشعثاء أنه قال إذا أسلم البحوس9
نكاحهما
[ ]032الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه قال :من ورث من أمه شقصا صارت
حرة وتستسعي في البقية لشركائها*6/
863
[ ]132الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعثاء في رحل قذف امرأته وهي حامل وانتفى
من حملها فالتعن ولم تلتعن حتى وضعت حملها في ذلك الأمر وماتت » 2قال :يلحق
بالولد
قال” ,703إذا أقر <الرجحل> بالولد من[ ]232الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء
امرأته ساعة؛ لزمه الولد
 02‏T2:[ ]332الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي  /الشعثاء قال :إذا قذفها وليس بما حمل فالتعناء ثم
استبان بما حمل فوضعت بعد القذف فإنه يلزمه الولد
 073أن تسمي صنفا منه[ ]15وقال محبوب بنالرحيل :لا يصلح ‏ philيه
شيا من هذهتكمعلوما ففيه وكاaesnee‏eIرمعل
الخصال فسد السلم وليس له إلا ‏ yl,ما
aaكك‎
 063 TIE: by
 163لم يرا 5:
 263يرا 552:
 بأن 363 75
364‏MSS:يرتد
 بالقميص 563 7:
 المجوسان 663 1:
 763لشركايها "51,171:
 863فانتفى 1
 963[
Here start the interplotations that I consider spurious, their numbers are
from [S1] to [S19], for details see pp. 6-7, 9 above. The text proper
54Chapter Two
] [52ولو أن رحلا قال لعبده أنت حر إن لأتزوج فليس له أن يبيعه حتى يتزوج فإن
مات قبل أن يتزوج فهو حر وإن باعه ثم مات السيد قبل أن يتزوج كان العبد حرا ويرد
على المشتري الثمن وقال الكوفيون له أن يبيعه ولو كاتبه رد ما أخذ منه وماكان
تيبينكضعاه ف
لفهمم و
تصدق به عليه في مكاتبته رده على أهله إن عرفهم وإن لمايعر
[ ]35وعن امرأة أدركت في شهر رمضان قال تصوم ما بقي من الشهر ثم تقضي ما
‏ of ope EUالشهر وكذلك الغلام إذا أدرك والمشرك إذا أسلم في نصف”” شهر
رمضان صام ما بقي من الشهر ثم قضى ما فاته من أول الشهر وقال الكوفيون إنما
E: 75/2
يصوم  /من يوم أسلم أو بلغ فقط
‏] yey [S4رحل قال لامرأته أن لم أحبلك فأنت طالق ثلاثة قال إذا جامعها مرة
وإن حملت فهيواحدة فليعتزها فإن حاضت ثلاث حيض فقد بانت منه بثلاث
امرأته وقال الكوفيون يجامعها ثميسك بعد الجماع فإن حاضت علم أنما لمتحبل ثم
أو تموت فإن مات أو ماتت وقع الحنثوىتم حتيمهليعاودها فيغشاها وهو في
[ ]55وعن المحتلعة أينفق عليها قال لا وقال عدة المختلعة مثل عدة المطلقة وقال
الكوفيون لما النفقة إلا أن يكون الزوج اشترط عليها ألا كن  473لها نفقة
] [SOوعن امرأة اختلعت من زوجها وشرط عليها أنك إذا ولدت أرضعتGly ‎
حتى تفطميه فولدت اثنين قال عليها واحد ترضعه حتى تفطمه‎
[ ]75وعن رحل عرض لامرأته جنون فأمسكها بما عليه فاختلعت ” 7منه قال لا
1:21يحوز خلعها إلا بإذن الأولياء وقال الكوفيون لا ينال  /ذلك إلا الأب أو المحد 6/3
[ ]89وعن رحل قال لامرأته اختاريني أو انختاري أخاك فقالت قد ‏SE at pet
إن نوى طلاقا فهو طلاق وقال الكوفيون لا يكون الخيار إلا في الأب والأم والنفس أو
بقول احترت الأزواج
restarts at [234] on p. 57 below.
 370-E
 371وتجعلE: ‎
بقية273 :1 ‎
.373 MSS: 424
 374 E: 03%
 375واختلعت1: ‎
673جد:ط‎
Edited Text55
T1: 13 OTمن‎ /بدراهم يصالح بما امرأته وتبريه ما عليه‎] [SIوقال أرسل الغطريف
صداقها ويطلقها وكان قد أساء إليها “ ”7وحبس ما عنده عنها وتزوج عليها فقال77 ‎
لشعثاء حذوها فأعطوها من زوجها الذي أساء إليها083 a5 ‎
أبو ا
[ ]015وعن السقط ما ديته قال إن حرج حيا يرتكض فدية كاملة وإن كان  ) 183نثى
be
فدية أنثى إذا قامت بينة عدول وإن خرج ميتا فعبد أو أمة
[ ]115وعن امرأة أرادت من زوجها الخلع فكرهه عليها فقالت بعني تطليقة بألف
درهم وزعمت أنما لا تريد بما ‏ PPP abeفقال””” إن المرأة دعت زوجها وصار له ما
أذ منها من قليل أو كثير ‏ Ph aangخلعه وبطل طلاقه بعد ذلك وهي أملك
[ ]215وعن رجل قال لامرأته احتاري قالت قد قبلت قال ليس ذلك بطلاق إلا أن
تكون نوت واحدا أو اثنين أو ثلاثة
[ ]315وقال في رجل قال لامرأته احتاري فقالت أنا عليك مثل أمك أو عمتك أو
حالتك قال قد حرمت عليه
[ ]415وقال في الرحل المريض لا يجوز له من”*” ماله إلا الثلث والرحل يكون في
الحرب ف المطاعنة والمسايفة لا يجوز له من ماله إلا الثلث والرحل يكون داخل الحريق
لاييقدنر أجنو فليس له من ماله إلا الثلث © والرحل يكون في البحر فوصل 783
إلى حد الغرق فليس يجوز له من ماله إلا الثلث والمرأة الحامل ضربما المخاض فليس
يجوز لما من مالا إلا الثلث وقال بعضهم إذا دحلت شهرها فليس لا إلا الثنلث
[ ]515وسألته عن عريش عليه ناس وتحته مربط دابة تبول وتروث أيصلى فوقه قال
|
773755
873
973
1+
083
]83
283
383
483.
583
683
7831ع-7
 65Chapter Two
لا بأس بالصلاة فوقه
T2: 22 /غير الإمام ويصلي الإمام ؟ قال:يوم الجمعةbs‏of‏] [S16وسألته هل جوز
كان حاضرا وأمر غيره أن يخطب فأمره بمنزلةنعم إذا كان للإمام عذر من علة
”> ‏adeخنطب قبل أن يجيء الإمام فلا أرىيه أ
فعله عندي يجوز له ذلك وإن بعث
‏ OGوليس له أن يفعل ذلك إلا بإذن الإمام
193
[ ]715وسألته عن مشرك من أهل الحرب دخل دار الإسلام بأمان فأصاب عرقه
ثوب رحالل ممنسلمين أو أصاب حسده جسد المسلم فأصابه من عرقه قال يغسل
ذلك وقال الكوفيون ليس عليه شيء
[ ]815وسألته عن رقيق الحند والزنج يجلبهم”” المسلمون قال على المسلمين أن
يأمروهم ”* بالصلاة حين يملكونهم قلت فإنهم مقيدون أو مغلولون *لقال وإن كانوا
مقيدين أو مغلولين من قليل كانوا أو كثير فعليهم أن يعلموهم الصلاة ويأمروهم بما
[ ]915وسألته عن البحوس هل يشرب عندهم اللبن قال يكره الشرب في شيء من
آنيتهم إلا الزحاج إذا غسل ‏ re Og aigفإن حلب اللبن بين يدي؟ قال :لا بأس
جعل في آنيتهم فلا تشربه قلت فالمصل قال وكذلك‏goبذلك وإن
المصل وإن لم يكن في آنيتهم ‏ te asl Gashكراهية لآنيتهم ولا يشرب
وتوكل معهم الفاكهة مثل الرمان والحوز واللوز والفستق  / 2وما يؤكل‏ttle cy
14داخله
388E: ') instead of 5
389أرا1755: ‎
 093 T: ub
 193عرق جسده 1:
 293إذا جلبهم 1:
 393يأمرونهم 51:
 493-E
;395 MSS: la
396 T1,E:
 إ+ن 793 +
 أنفجة  , 21:أنفخة893 :11 ‎
 993حينيذ:551/1 ‎
 004مايهم:551/71 ‎
*See note marked with * on p. 53 above.
Edited Text57
] [234الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في عبد ظاهر؟ قال :ليس عليه عتق ولا
إطعام» ويقول :عليه الصوم
204
‏ Orبأسا في نثرة الدابة» ثنة[ ]532الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لم
‏pa oy be
] [236الربيع عن ضمام عن أب الشعثاء قال :تجوز شهادة النساء فيكل شيء في
حد أو عتق أو غير ذلك إلا الزناء فذلك موضع لا يدعا إليه النساء .وقال الكوفيون:
 404قصاصلا تحوز شهادة النساء في حد ولا
عن مسلم”” بنك أربيعة  .رحمه الله  .أن رحلا ذكر ‏BYام معن ضبيع
[ ]732الر
32:21الشعثاء أنه جعل ناقته هديا لبيت  /الله فقال :اهدها©”  .فقال :نما ماتت! فقال:
‏ alإذا مثلها .قال الكوفيون :فإن أوجب ناقة بعينها فهلكت فلا شيء عليه؛ ‏Oly
قال :لله علي أن أهدي بدنة فعليه الوفاء  704ببدنة
الجر فنهاهينذبء عنعثا
نوح أن رحلا سأل أبا الش[ ]832الربيع عن ضمام ‏ahs
114نمى 01
3عنه رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم‏ aeفأعاد عليه فأكثرء فقال:*77
 214عنه رسول  5314فهو حراءوما
‏ ESعند أبي الشعثاء في المسجد الجامع» فقال له[ ]932الربيع عن أبي نوح قال:
؟ فقال:ئدهن " 414ا عنببهن
آابي
رحل :يا أبا الشعثاء :أين وضع الله على النساء جل
ولا جناح عليهن في آبائهن ولا أبنائهن ولا إحوانمن ولا  2أبناء إخواتحن ولا أبناء
 104E:يرا‎
 3041Cs.
404 _T
405_f
 604اهديها 771:
 704الوفاE: ‎
 804أبا 1:
 قال 904 71:
 نها014 MSS: ‎
 114ع- 8
 214MSS: le
 314عليه السلام +
414‏E:ءابايهن
58Chapter Two
أخواتمن ولا نسائهن ولا ما ملكت أمانمن”  1قال ههنا وضع عنهن ‏Se
] [240الربيع عن أبي نوح عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل تزوج امرأة فدحل بما ثم طلقهاء
قال :لا يتزوج أحتها حتى تنقضي ‏bse
<<في> الأحتين المملوكتين :إذا] [241الربيع عن أبي نوح عأنبي الشعثاء قال
إحداهما ثم تركها لم يطأ الأخرى حتى يبيعها ‏“ otيهبها أو يزوجها0
[ ]242الربيع عن مسلم بن أبكيرمة قال :قلت لأبي الشعثاء :اشتريت من رجل سمنا
ف وعائه فقال إن اكتلت فيه كذا وكذاء فهل ‏ edeأن آحذه بكيله وأنا أصدقه؟ قال
أبو الشعثاء :استوفي sus) 1 48
[ ]342الربيع عن ضمام قال :طهرت امرأة في حجها وليس معها ماءء فأمرناها أن
تتوضأ وتصليء فأتينا مكة فذكرنا ذلك لأبي الشعثاء» فقال :أصبتم
[ ]442الربيع عن مسلم عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل أسلف ف الطعام» قال :لا تأخذ
إلا رأس مالك أو طعامك إلا أن يكون مفصلا :النصف فيكذا والنصف ف كذا
[ ]542الربيع عن أبي الشعثاء أنه صلينا خلفه في منى أيام التشريق فلم '” يكبر
21: 4] ‘[642الربيع عن مسلم عن أبي  /الشعثاء أنه كره المزايدة للمحرم
01: 1/67|لم عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل أصاب صيدا متعمدا وهو محرمسعن مبيع
[ ]742الر
‏ oFفيه ذوا عدلثم عادء <قال>:
[ ]842الربيع عن مسلم عن مجاهد قال :أقبلت مرابطا حتى إذا كنت غير بعيد
فلقاني ابن عمر نخارحاء فقال :يا مجاهد أين تريد؟ إن تركت هؤلاء كفارا يضرب
بعضهم رقاب بعض
024
[ ]942الربيع عن مسلم قال :إذا معك الرحل القملة انتقض وضوؤه
[ ]052الربيع عن حيان عن أبي الشعثاء قال  :لو أن رحلا رمى  24رحلا ببعرة عمدا
بالحديد” » وقال غيرهم * :25إذا كانتلأقيد  7به  .وقال الكوفيون :لا قود إلا
 514Q: 33:55
416MSS: bs
417يزوجها أو يهبها15: ‎
 استوفي814 :5511 ‎
 914 T: als
E has the next question first
420MSS: e¢ suas
Edited Text59
] [251الربيع عن حيان عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كان يحيز شهادة الأب لابنه صغيرا كان
أكوبيراء وحيان يردها
51:11[ ]252الربيع عن ضمام عأنبي الشعئاء في  /الصلاة على لحن ج 324قال :إذا أت
كبرت خلف الحنازة فاقرأ بفاتحة الكتاب» فإذا كبرت الثانية فاحمد الله وصلت على
صلى الله عليه وسلمء واستقبل شأن الميت 772ما بين الثالثة والرابعة‏gil
 :إذا :سألت أبا الشعثاء قلت[ ]352الربيع عن ضمام عن حيان العامري قال
خرحث إلى الصباخ فوجدت كبشا قد انكسر قرن  82له والدم يجري على وحهه
فاشتريثه؟ قال :انطلق فضح 924
[ ]452الربيع عن ضمام أنه قال أتيث أبا الشعثاء يوم الجمعة» فلما ‏> aه 034الرواح
قال لي :قم حتى ننطلق إلى الجمعة» فقلت :أخلف الحجاج؟ قال :نعم فإنما صلاة
جامعة وسنة متبعة
[ ]552الربيع عن أبي الرحيل أن رحلا سأل أبا الشعثاء فقال :إن أي هلك وترك
في حجره عيالا .بني أخي  .وهم ‏ SLفما ترى  ”*7فريكاته؟ قال :زك  272مال بني
‏ thorوقال الكوفيون :لا ركاة في مال الطفل حتى تحب عليه الصلاة
[ ]652الربيع عن أبي الرحيل قال :ذبحنا ثورا بمكة ضحية نسكاء فاشتركنا فيه .فقال
 334جلده؛ قال الكوفيون  :/يتصدق به أحب إليناء وإن انتفع بهلي أبو الشعثاء:
5:21لم يضره شيء
سا
 124)MSS: lu
422.MSS: oY
بحديد423 17٠ ‎
  21 )3 the marginضمام424 + ‎
الجنايز425 7: ‎
 6247
 724الجنازة 1
428قرنا ‏E:
429‏12١0فضحيه
 034حضر
431‏MSS: 15
 234زكي 5,11:
 334بيعو 7:
06Chapter Two
] [257الربيع عن أبي الرحيل أن أباه سأل أبا الشعثاء عن أم الرحيل أنما عجزت عن
الصوم ,فأمره بالصوم عنهاء “ثم عاد إليه العام المقبل فأخبره أتما عجزت» فأمره
بالإطعام؛ قال :فكان يأمرهاعاما بالإطعام وعاما ‏all
] [258الربيع ”7عن عمارة بن حيان قال :أقبلنا من واسط ومعنا أبو الشعثاء في
‏Lut oy Meld i] Lol ae
] [259الربيع عن عمارة قال :رأيت أبا الشعثاء يصلي تطوعا محتبيا بعدما كبر»
sla acl, 137, oy
] [260الرببع عن تميم بن حويص قال :أقبلت من سفرء فنزلت البيعة التي خحلف
الجسر الأصغر فلقمت  834به ليالي  34على ذلك أصلي ركعتين» فسألت أبا الشعثاء
‏ US yeفقال :أصبت
[ ]162الربيع عن تميم بن حويص عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل صلى ‏ acest deفاراد
رحل أن يشتريهاء قال :إنما عليه الصدقة
[ ]262الربيع قال :كتب عمر بن عبدالعزيز :أتا رحل صلى أو امرأة مصلية كانت
لهم أرض تؤحذ منها الجزية؛ أحذ منها الصدقة ورفعت عنها الجزية
[ ]362الربييع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعفاء أنه لم ير  2 2بأسا أن يكون للرحل
غلام!** يهودي **2أو نصران  344يؤدي لهث*” الغلة وكذلك ل ير ** بأسا بالسواك
‏) Sleeمن أول النهار
و قال“ لا يأخخذ امحرم من شعر امحل ولا من أظفاره
434 -E
534بالصوم وعاما بالإطعام 21:
634
734
834
934
044
]44
244
344
544
644
744
Edited Text61
] [264الربييع عن عباس بن الحارث أن أبا عبيدة سأل أبا الشعثاء فقال إن لي
‏ot]54 041فنتحضر الزكاة  054ولي دين على الناس منهم <الخني>44س
الفقر تال يا عدا إذا كان وقت الكل فما كان على من لا تقدر علي السب
6:21 P45;gs 4 oeوقال الكوفيون لا تؤد  6#على‏de OS Leg aes #2 be
الدين  /حتى تأحذه فإذا أحذته ‏ as 4 >” 5hلما مضى من السنين
,854'
في رجحل جعل امرأته[ ]562الربيع عن عباس بن الحارث والوليد بن يحجى
61:11إن لم ‏ cole opeقال :إن مضت أربعة أشهر قبل أن يضربه فقد /بانت“ل
منه» وإن مسها قبل أن يكفر يمينه فقد حرمت عليه
أبي الشعثاء في رحل أوصى لغير أقاربه» قال :يجوز لهم[ ]662الربيع عن عباس عن
شاءحيثيضعهالكوفيون:وقال edtعلى القرابة.‏460 aمن الثلث وير5د4الثلث
أو ماشية أو إبل أو بقر فإنه  164تؤخذ منه الصدقة .وقال الكوفيون :ليس على اليتيم
في شيء ممناله صدقة إلا في الأرض وحبها
[ ]862الربيع عن الوليد بن يحبى عن أبي الشعثاء في رجحل أراد أن يلبي بالحج فلبى
‏ athفقال :ليس عليه من غلطه شيع ) وقال‏ ghبالعمرة فلىبالعمرة أو أراد أن
الكوفيون :هو على ما لفظ به
+‏ plyالمي°حرم462
fou.نه يكره أنyfيغطى
‏ Jlالش‏Ggعثاء أ ‏ GFعن] [269الربيع عن الوليد بن
‏448 MSS: Ju
كثير 944 551:
450‏MSS:الزكوة
451‏Mes:الحي
452
453 +1 20
 454مزكي  ]:رحي 1:
 554فزكيه 71:
 654تؤدي 5517:
457‏E:أدي
458T: whenever this name occurs in T‏it is written: ba
 954طالق 1:
 064ثلثي 55171:
46‏E has the next question before this one
|‏-T
62Chapter Two
إذا مات .وقال الكوفيون :لا بأس أن ‏403 ais
] [270الربيع قال :أخبرني الوليد بن يحبى أن أبا الشعثاء أمرهم بكفن الميت بلفافة
وإزار إذا لم يوحد غيرهما ثم يبسط عليهما الإزار ثم يلف فيهاء وإن كان قميص
‏ Ihمن فوق القميص
[ ]172الربيع عن الوليد عن أبي الشعثاء أنه لبث عامة عمره يفصل بين الوتر وبين
الركعتين» حتى كان آخر عمره وصل به
[ ]272الربيع عن الوليد عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل قذف القوم جميعاء قال :إن فرق
قرق عليه» وإن كانت قذفة واحدة يجلد حدا واحدا.
[ ]372الربيع عن أبي الشعثاء أن امرأة يقال لما هند أتت أبا الشعثاء فقالت :إن
74:21رحلا خطب إل جاريتي أفأزوجه؟ قال :لا تزوجيه ,فعاد إليها البحل فعادت إلى أي
الشعثاءء فقال  :/لا تزوحيه» فأتاها الربحل ثالثة فقال  965زوجينيها  064‏E55 Vig
الحرام» فأتت أبا الشعثاء» فقال :زوجيه ذلك لمن نحشي العنت ‏1G Ses
] [274الربيع عن الوليد عن أبي الشعثاء أنه كان يعتكف في رمضان في غير المسجد
الجامع
[ ]572الربيع عن الوليد عن أبي الشعفاء أنه كان لا يرى  86بججائزة” © السلطان بأسا
إذا لم يكن حراما بعينه أو مغتصبا
 07‏i 4
ظهارفي[ ]672الربيع عن الوليد وعباس عن أبي الشعثاء فيمن جمع نساءه
.وقال1/14
‏ tolقال :كفارة واحدة» وإن فرقهن كان عليه فيكل امرأة كفارة
الكوفيون :إن فرق أو جمع فعليه لكل واحدة ظهارة جديدة على حدة
[ ]772الربيع عن يحبى عن الضحاك بن مزاحم قال :ليس على أم الولد حد
 264 MSS: Us
463 MSS: Use
464إزار1: ‎
 564+1
 664زوجيني إياها 1:
467‏Q: 4:25
468| MSS:
469»T1,E: spl
470نساوه15: ‎
 ]74+ daalyE
Edited Text63
] [278الربيع عن يحبى أن رحلا أتى””* أبا الشعئاء بكتاب ‏(Mele dnd Jory opt
فقال :متى قدمت؟ فقال منذ أيام < فقال :منذ أيام > والكتاب ف يدك لم تدفعه
لي“ عسى أن تكون لصاحبه فيه حاجة! ما أديت الأمانة
[ ]972الربيع عن يحبى عن أبي الشعثاء قال :لا بأس بالسلف في الحيوان إذا مى 471
نيا أو رباعا أو سداسا وأحلا معلوماء وقال الكوفيون :السلف ف الحيوان باطل
[ ]082الربيع عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل طلق امرأته فلقيه رحل فقال :أطلقت امرأتك؟
 77امرأتك؟ قال نعمء فلقيه آخر فقال:قال :نعم» فلقيه آخر فقال :‏lb
طلقت” ”7امرأتك؟ قال :نعم وهو ينوي التطليقة الأولى» فقال :هي نيته» وقال
الكوفيون :فيما بينه وبين الله إذا أراد الخبر الأول فواحد وف الحكم قد بانت منه
5: 2/67[ ]182الربيع عن يحبى عن أبي الشعثاء في رحل قال لرحل :يا ابن الزانيين  / 2قال:
حد واحد
عن العضبة57أعن أبي الشعثاء أنه تحى‏Bate[ ]282الربيع
الغنم والإبل  /والمتصرمة أظلافها والعرجا عأ وموالمستأصلة من 77ذنبها من
‏T1:17 *,بكسر القرن بأسا
82:21] [283الربيع عن يحبى بن قرة عن أي الشعثاء أنه قال :ليس ف مال لا بيده 384/0
 AGوالمسروق ‏MIS‏arte
] [284الربيع قال :سمعت مسلم بن أبكيرعة قال :جاء رجحل قارن في الحج فنهاه أبو
“hoy Cal 485الشعثاء عن الإقران» قال :قد فعلت! قال :أما الآن انطلق ‏abs
472MSS: ul
473م«‎
 474سميتE: ‎
 574E: cualbi
476E> calbl
477E:أنul ‎
 874 MSS: lg
479712
480 12
 184والعرجا 55/71:
482‏E:يرا
483E:يرجوا‎
 484 MSS: 3985
64Chapter Two
ركعتين ثم تحدد إحراما آخرء ولم يأمره بالإحلال» وقال :قم على إحرامك
امرأة؟ قال :لاء فأتى أبا[ ]582الربيع عن يحبى أن رحلا حطب امرأة فسألوه :ألك
الشعثاء فسأله .فقال :كذبة وليس بطلاق
‏} SB SB {eaeكعب بن سوار :اتقوا الله قبل أن[ ]682الربيع عن ضمام عن
ينشب الحرب» وأمرهم بالاعتزال [وإن شرره يناوله وسقمه]
‏}SF[ ]782الربييع عن ضماء  684قال :سمعت مسلما يقول :إن أبا الشعثاء قال:
المكاتبين في الحج وفي الكراء)
[ ]882الربيع عن ضمام أن الحسن يأمر بالمتعة ويحث عليها
[ ]982الربيع عن ضمام عن مولى لأنس بن مالك قال :ما شرب أنس بن مالك
نبيذ الجر قط
[ ]092الرببع عن سليم  7بن عبيد قال :حدثنا عبدالرحمن بن عبدالحبار قال :كنا
حول ابن عمر ذات يوم في عقب صلاة» فتذاكرنا دحولنا على ‏ palالمؤمنين وحديثنا
إياه» فقال :لقد أكثرتم ذكر الأمير» فقال :ماذا تقولون إذا دحلتم عليه؟ فقالوا :نقول
ما يوافقه  22قال :هذا والله النفاق
49043489Sul‏Jإن سألت أبا الشعشاءسليم بن عبيد قالالربيع عن[]192
أفأحج الفريضة؟ قال :حج فقد أوجب الله عليك الحج
‏ Jiمنعني أن أحج‏ ayالشعثاء :إن[ ]292الربيع عن سليم بن عبيد قال :قلت
الفريضة فما تقول؟ قال !”* :فكم الصلوات؟ قال :قلت خمسء قال :أخبرن لو نماك
أن تصلي واحدة أكنت تاركها؟ قلت :لاء قال :فحج
[ ]392الربيع عن عمارة أن أبا الشعاء ‏ aeيزيد  204بن أبي مسلم فانطلق إلى النهر
فجعل يغسل ذلك العطر عنه وهو يقول إأذهبتم طيباتكم في حياتكم الدنياي371
584فطاف 5517:
684- 1
سليمان 784 51:
نوافقه 884 1:
‏!489 :10 J
خمسة490 1155: ‎
194 T: Js
492MSS:زيد‎
394 Q: 46: 20
Edited Text65
.494
‏ byسأله عن أرض‏ Jlالشعقاء 3بن عمر عن] [294أبو الحارث عن الحازم
21:9‏ LLLأو بالربع؟ قال :لاء وقال غيره :فاسد» وقال آخر:أو‏aslفقال :أزرعها /
.ء.ل594
إذا دفعها بنصف ما يخرج منها من الزرع‏Sle
[ ]592حازم عن تميم بن حويص قال :قال حابر بن زيد في بحوسي صلى على أرضه
وهي في يده قال :اشتروا منهم واقبلوا منهم الحدية» وإن منحوكم فازرعوا في أرضهم
[ ]692عن تميم عن حازم قال أقبلت من بنات أدر في هزمة بن الأشعث؛ والناس
فنزلت على الحسر الأصغر والنهر بيني وبين البصرة وأسمع الأذان للصلاة‏ays
وأصلي ركعتين» فلما أتيت ودخلت البصرة فبدأت بجابر بن زيد فسألته وأخبرته بفعلي
ذلك سبعة أيام» فقال :أصبت ووفقت774
[ ]792حازم عن تميم قال :كنت مع جابر بن زيد بمكان يقال له قصر النعمان بيننا
وبين المدينة فرسنخان  770فركبنا الدواب فسرنا فرسخين؛ فمررنا بماء موضوع للناس
‏ NS aiيوم رداغ مطير وتوضأت أنا وجابريشربون منه ويتوضؤون” ”2
حازم عن تميم قال صحبت جابر ين زيد من بنات أدر» فلما كنا ببعض[]892
8:11‏ (Flayفأمنا حابر بن زيد وى  103بين أيدينا فركعالطريق وحضرت الصلاة ويوم مطر
 Onصلينا ركعتين فانصرفناء فقلت‎
 etالركوع والسجود020 Us ‎ /وسجد أاحفض من ذلك
.504te‏508,
معه اليوم واليومين والثلاثة وأكثر من ذلك» كيفوربما زرته وأقمت02فرسخحان 2
494 E: aj
594 TI,E: je
دايمون 694 1 1,1:
ووافقت 794 1:
894فرسخين 5511:
يتوضئون 994 551/1:
005
105قايما 5517:
‏205 T1,E:
305فرسخين 5511:
فنمت405 E: ‎
66Chapter Two
أصلي؟ قال :صل ركعتين» قلت :إنه رستاق واحد؟ قال :فاقم  773أربعة فإذا حرحت
فصل ركعتين» قال حيان :قد بين لك ولكنك خاصمته
[ ]003حازم عن تميم قال :جاء رحل يسأل جابر بن زيد عن الحبن» قال له :لا
03:21تأكل إلا ما سألت عنه فإن كان ذكيا فك منه وإلا فلا تأكل  /منه .وقال الكوفيون:
كل ما لم تعلم ولا تسأل فإذا علمت فلا تأكل؛ قال الرحل لحابر :مااتقلولسفيمن
‏ PPعليه السلام يسألون عن الحين ولاأيسأل عنه؟ قال :لا أدركنا أصحاب النبي
يسألون عن السمن
[ ]103حازم عن تيم قال سألت حابر بن زيد قلت :أمسح على الخفين؟ قال :لاء
قلت :الثلج؟ قال :اخلعهماء قلت :لا أستطيع قال جابر :الآن جاء”"” العذر
[ ]203حازم عن تميم بن حويص قال :أخبرني بعض أصحابنا أنه صحب جابر بن
زيد غدوة قبل صلاة الفجر فمروا بمسجد فأقام الصلاة وقام الإمام فاستفتح القراءة»
 80وصاحبه وترك الصففلما دحلوا إذا هو قد استفتح بسورة طويلة» فتأخر جابر
 3فوتوصلى وحده .فلما انصرف قال :إن صلاة العتمة خوف وصلاة الغداة ‏
فينبغي أن يقرأ بسورة قصيرة
حازم عن تيم بن حويص قال :قمنا قي بيعة ابن  03زياد أياما خلف الجسر][303
115أصلي
>Sry Eفيه ركعتين‎
جابر بن زيد من بنات أدر إلى البصرة.حازم عن نيم قال صحبت[]403
فأقمناة'” في الطريق وقصر الصلاة
[ ]503حازم عن تميم أن حابر بن زيد كره إمامين في المسجد الواحد لصلاة
واحدة 315.
[ ]603حازم عن تميم قال :قال لي حابر بن زيد :إذا خلفت هذا النهر الذي يلى
505فأقيم 51:
605النبيء 55171:
507‏-Tl
805بن زيد +
الغدوة 905 01:
510‏&MSS:
ركعتين فيه 115 01:
215وقمنا 1:
315الواحدة 1:
Edited Text67
شرف البصرة ‏ Yadركعتين ‏> Eترحع
 Syأن يتقبل الرحل الأرض البيضاء[ ]703حازم عن تميم أنه مع جابر بن ‏ay
CP‏telبشيء مسمى على أن يغرس فيها أو يزرعها فما أخرحت فبينه وبين
“قال غيره :هو جائز د على ما اشترط» ومن كرههوقال غيره :هذا باطل» و
قال >> يكون كل ما في الأرض للزراع ” 7و الغارس ولهذا أجر مثل أرضه
[ ]803حازم عن تميم قال معت جابر بن زيد يكره أن يأني الرحل الأرض ذات
12:31النخل والشجر فيتقبلها على أن يزرعها ويقوم عليها فما أخرحت شطر ذلك ‏y
وكذا  /درها
[ ]903حازم عن تميم عن جابر بن زيد أنه يكره أن يتقبل الرجل الأرض البيضاء ”71
على أن البذر والبقل من المتقبل وما أخرحت الأرض فبينهما
[ ]013حازم عتنميم قال سمعت حابر بن زيد يقول في ‏ Joyأقرح رأسه كله فطلاه

 32قال:‏yu‏ 7 Naaفلم يستطع أن ينزعكله وأراد أن يتوضأ وقد تغطى الشعر
[ ]113حازم عن تميم قال :سمعت جابرا يقول في رحل برأسه جرح وعليه خرقة لا
اه225>
أن يمسح عليهمسح رأسه وقال غيره 4 5فاسد إن‏ 923 wsعغيره يقول:
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 025بالدوا 5511:
 125بالدوا 1,11:
 225-1
 325قال 1:
 4251+
 525: 3
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86Chapter Two
[ ]313حازم عتنميم قال سمعت جابرا يقول في المريض إذا لم يستطع أن يسجد
على الأرض قال :يوي  725إيماء ويكون السجود أخفض من الركوع.
[ ]413أبو بكر بن نعامة قال :كنت مع أنس بن مالك  .وأنس يومئذ مريض  .فأتى
‏ LTمول له فأكب عليه فقال :توق حابر بن زيد» فقال :إنا لله و إنا إليه راجعون»
 E: 77/1| ‏ wf? aysالشعثاء؟ قال له مولاه :نعم والله اليوم؛ثم إنا لله و إنا إليه راجعون
‏ ailيرحم الله حابر بن زيدمات أعلم الناسفقال:
[ ]513عمارة بن حبيب قال :سمعت ضمام بن السائب  493225يقول :معت جابر بن
‏532g,13555م 035
كراءالأرض والله صلى الله عليه وسلم عن كراءرسول‏Aريد يقول:
الماء
كنت عند جابر بن زيد يوم جمعةأبي يقول: lerبن حبيب قال سمعت‏[]316
وهو يسرج حماره فقال :أريد إلى الجمعة» فقلت :إن الحجاج يؤحر الصلاة عن وقتهاء
ety,نا © yفصلينا خل ;ف الحجاج
فقال وإن ‏  0حبسها ” 933فانطلق
 433قال :حدثنا حيان الأعرج قال :أتت امرأة ‏ Jحابر بن زيد رضي[]713
الله عنه وغفر له فقالت :يا أبا الشعثاء إن أبكيان غائبا  935وأن ””©1جعلت للعهلى
T2: 32‏ Of Laهو جاء لأحعلن ف مق سوا ل أن يلي حق أصبح في غو وسديت وقد
جاءني فتماأمرني؟ قال :آمرك /أن تعمدي إلى هذه الليلة التي جعلت لله فيها عليك
‏le.::اكد 705
ما جعلت  2فتقعدين في مسجد فتصلين وتذكرين الله وكفري يمينك
725يومي 5571:
825مات 1:
925السايب 1,11:
035نها 55471:
135كرا 8,11:
235+عن
335احبسها:55141 ‎
435عمرو:1 ‎
535MSS: Wile
635إني 1:
735جعلته 1:
Edited Text69
 00نوح قال :صمنا في شهر رمضان حتى إذا 338قال :حدثنا صالح][318
كنا في آخر يوم والناس يتجهزون لفطرهم إذ رأى الناس الحلال ضحىء» فتنادى الناس
‏ cl theرسولنا إلى حابر بنالتحمد قالوا :يافي مسجدبالإفطارء ورهط عكوف
زيد» فأتيته وأخبرته وكنت فيمن رآه *” قال :بين يدي الشمس أو خلفها؟ قال :قلت
بين يدي الشمسء قال :فإن يومكم  ”*/هذا من رمضان قل  2*7لأصحابك فليتموا
صومهم وليقعدوا في مسجدهم ,.وقال الكوفيون :لا بأس به.
[ ]913عن جابر أنه كره أن تلبس امحرمة القرط والسوار» أبو عبيدة قال :سألت
‏ OXثم أعدث  343عليه فأعرض عنيحابر بن زيد قال:
[ ]023أبو ” الأشهب جعفر بن حيان قال :سألت جابر بن زيد عن القنوت»
قال :الصلاة كلها قنوت فأما الذي يصنعون فما أدري ما هو
[ ]1123أبو ‏! Phas Jb Cetامرأته من يوم مات
[ ]223همام ©” بن يحبى قال :صلى جابر بن زيد على جنازة فسلم تسليمة
 34عن يسارهواحدة 745‏Ask oF Lgl
[ ]323وقال جميل الخوارزمي :أبرنا الربيع بن حبيب عن أبي عبيدة عن جابر بن
زيد عن ابن عباس أنه قال :لا تؤكل ذبيحة الأقلف ولا يجوز تزويجه ولا شهادته ولا
يصلى خلفه؛ وقال جميل :إن ‏ Leخلفه أحد فعليه الإعادة» وإن ‏Foy Ey
قبل أن يدحل بما فلا بأس» وإن جامعها قبل أن يختقن فكان الربيع يقول :التفريق
بينهما ولا يجتمعان أبدا .وقال الكوفيون :تؤكل ذبيحته ويصلى خلفه وتقبل شهادته
 835 E: 90
539أبي17: ‎
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541 E; cy
542 E: Jaa
543عدت1: ‎
 445أبي:51 ‎
 545بعث:1 ‎
 ضمام645 :1 ‎
 745 —E
548MSS: le ale
549—E
07Chapter Two
550:
إذا كان عادلاء وتزويجه جائز
:11 0[ ]423وقال جميل أيضا  :/حدثنا أبو أيوب وائل ” 7بن أيوب عن الربيع بن حبيب
عن أبي عبيدة عن جابر بن زيد عن ابن عباس أن من وحد من الغنيمة خمسة
دوانق””” ففيها الخمس» يخرج منها خمسها دانق » وقال جميل أيضا :إن أصاب ترابا
T2: 33
وعالحه حتى صار فضة أو ذهبا فليس فيها خمس  /وهو لمن أصابه كله إلا أن يكون
355.
يبلغ حد الركاة
 550MSS:جايز
 551MSS:وايل
 552MSS:
553T1,E:الزكوة
CHAPTER THREE
NOTES ON THE EDITED TEXT
I. Table of Topics of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
(Listed in the traditional order found in works of figh and hadith)
TopicTraditionsTotal number
Tafsir (exegesis)[169], [239]2
_[34], [36], [41], [185],
Taharat (acts of[235], [243], [249], [301],1
purification)[310], [311], [312], [323]
[9], [38], [42], [65], [66],
[91], [155], [158], [175],
[188], [200], [211], [212],
;[252], [254], [258], [259],
Salat (prayer)[260], [271], [297], [298],30
[299], [302], [304], [305],
[306], [313], [316], [320],
[322]
[13], [30], [114], [186],
Zakat (alms-tax)[222], [223], [255], [264],7
[267], [283], [324]
|[10], [29], [32], [112],
Sawm (fasting)[191], [257], [263], [318]8
[134], [135], [137], [141],
I 'tikaf (retreat while[145], [146], [196], [218],
fasting for devotion)[227], [274]10
72Chapter Three
 TopicTraditionsTotal number
(3], [12], [15], [16], [17],
[19], [39], [40], [43], [54],
[56], [58], [67], [74], [75],
[76], [82], [83], [85], [94],
 Hajj and ‘Umra
[99], [113], [136], [154],
 (pilgrimage)
[159], [160], [164], [167],48
[170], [176], [177], [181],
[189], [219],[226], [228],
[245], [246], [247],[256],
[263], [268], [269], [284],
[287], [291], [292], [319]
 al-Dahaya (sacrifices-[74], [115], [253], [282]
 animal slaughtering)
 Shurit al-dhabh[25], [63], [106], [107],
 (conditions for[108], [180], [197]
 slaughtering)
 al-Buyu (sales and‎سم60], [203], [213], [214],
 transactions)eo
242], [244], [279]
 al-Muzara‘a wa al-=96], [184], [294], [307],
 musaqat (agriculturer=
308], [309], [315]
 and irrigation)
,]4[ ,]32[ ,]42[ ,]94[ ,]88[
,]98[ ,]09[ ,]29[ ,]79[ ,]841[
 Zawaj (marriage)17
,]281[ ,]381[ ,]781[ ,]402[
,]042[ ,]372[ ]882[
,]2[ ,]5[ ,]7( ,]8[ ,]22[ ,]72[
,]13[ ,]73[ ,]44[ ,]26[ ,]48[
 Firagq (divorce of
,]79[ ,]111[ ,]831[ ,]931[
 various kinds)
,]741[ ,]941[ ,]051[ ,]651[30
,]161[ ,]261[ ,]371[ ,]991[
,]102[ ,]122[ ,]43,]2562[[
,]672[ ,]082[ ]582[
al-Nafaqa,]53( ,]77[ ,]151[ ,]251[
(maintenance),]202[ ]522[
al- ‘Idda (the time a,]87[ ,]39[ ]123[
divorced woman or a
widow should stay
before getting married
|again)
Notes on the Edited Text73
—
TopicTraditonsTotal number
al-Fagd (missing in[35], [163], [165], [166]
Obscure circumstan
4
ces)
(1], (11), [14], [26], [27],
[28], [33], [48], [50], [S51],
[53], [64], [70], [95], [98],
al-Jinayat (criminal[100], [117],[El], (E21,
law)[153], [178],[192], [193],37
[195], [206], [207], [208],
[216], [220], [224], [231],
[232], [233], [250], [272],
[277], [281]
[61], [101], [122], [236],
0
al-Shuhiid (witnesses)
[251]
Huqiig al-mayyit (rights[6], [139], [140], [200],
of the dead)[252], [269], [270]
al-Wasaya (wills and[85], [127], [266]
testaments)
al-Mirath (inheritance)[4], [22], [44], [45], [47],
للخم[142], [157], [230]
al-Ayman wa al-nudhur‏[20], [21], [123], [168],
(oaths and vows)[170], [237], [317]
al-At‘ima wa al-ashriba[46], [171], [198], [238],
(food and drink)[289], [300]
al- ‘Itq (manumission of[52], [79], [97], [109],
Slaves)[110], [118],[128], [241]
[55], [57], [68], [71], [72],
[80], [81], [102], [103],
Mu ‘Gmalat al-ragigq[104], [105], [116], [119],
(deals and matters of[124], [125],[126], [129],29
Slaves)[130], [131], [132],[133],
[161], [172], [174], [194],
[205], [209], [210], [215]
Ahkam ghayr al-[69], [73], [107], [179],
muslimin (matters of[190], [217],[229], [261],11
|non-Muslims)[262], [263], [295]
al-Akhlag (good[86], [87], [143], [144],
|Manners)[278]
74Chapter Three
TopicTraditionsTotal number
al-Siyar wa al-ahdath _ | [18], [59], [248], [275],0
(political and historical | [286], [290], [293], [296],10
events)[303], [314]
II. Notes on Individual Sections of the Arabic Text
[1] For biographies of the transmitters of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib see Chapter
IV, pp. 137-151 of this study. The opinion that both husband and wife are
entitled to inherit from each other even if the husband accuses his wife of
unchastity (qadhafa) but the procedure of /i‘an' is disturbed by the death of
one of the partners is also the opinion of Ibrahim al-Nakha‘T and ‘Ata’ (see
Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:168—169). Another opinion attributed to
Jabir b. Zayd is that the wife inherits from her husband unless she refuses to
either affirm the accusation or take the oath (cf. Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
7:107—109 and Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf, 4:169).
 [2] This statement is derived from the Qur’adn (As regards those who make
(their wives) unlawful to themselves by zihar’ and wish to free themselves
 from what they uttered, (the penalty) in that case is the freeing of a slave
before they touch each other... And he who finds not (the money for freeing a
 slave) must fast two successive months before they both touch each other.
 Andhewhois unableto doso,shouldfeedsixtydestitutepersons
 (masakin).) Q: 58:34. The majority of scholars emphasize that the kaffara
 should be made before marital intercourse. For the [badis see Abii Sa‘id al-
 Kudami, al-Jami'‘ al-mufid min ahkam Abi Sa ‘id, 4:225 in contrast to Abi
 Hanifa as in al-Qurtub1, al-Jami’ li-ahkam al-Qur’an, 17:283.
 [3]Thisis anagreedviewamongstmost,if notall, fugaha’of Muslim
 schools. For Ibadis Ibn Ja‘far says: wa yastabdilu bi-hima ... he (the muhrim)
 can change them (ikram clothes). (See Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ’, 3:307.) For other
 schools of law Ibn Abi Shayba narrates that the Prophet changed at al-Tan‘tm
1The husband affirms before court under oath that his wife has committed unchastity or
that the child born of her is not his, and she affirms under oath the contrary.
 2The use of the formula “you are for me (as untouchable) as the back (zahr; pars pro
toto, for body) of my mother”, Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic law, (Oxford 1982),
p. 165.
Notes on the Edited Text75
while he was muhrim (al-Musannaf, 3:346 (14785)) and ascribes the same
Opinion to Ibrahim al-Nakha‘l, Thabit b. Jubayr, ‘Ata’ and Tawis (op. cit.,
1478690),
[4] This has been a debatable issue from the first century of Hijra onwards.
The key question is regarding the mahr or saddq (dowry) of the widow if her
husbanddiedbeforethedukhul(consummation)withoutdeterminingthe
amount of the dowry. An identical tradition with a slight difference is to be
found in Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ', 5:379. It reads:
تزوج امرأة ولم يفرض لهال جفي رعثاء
أبي الشربيع عن ضمام عن
: قال ضمام.العدة ولها الميراثياهال لهعاق
و صد
 لا:فقال»تماثماقاصد
 لها الميراث:فقلت لأبي الشعثاء إن ناسا يزعمون أن ابن مسعود قال
 قال لو نجد هذا عن ابن مسعود عن ثقة لأخذنا.وعليها العدة ولها الصداق
. لعل هذا الرد على المسألة الأولى:  قال غيره.به
 Ibn Ja‘ far (or maybe a commentator on his book) does not mention his source
 for this tradition. Apart from that, he gives the additional information that
 Dumam was quoting Ibn Mas‘iid’s opinion to Jabir. He then concludes by
 adding that this could be a refutation of a former tradition which seems to be
 the opinion of Aba Sa‘id [probably al-Kudami]when he says on the same
 Problem, op. cit., p. 378:
وعندي أن عامة قول أصحابنا أن لها الميراث وعليها العدة» ومعي أن في
.بعض قولهم أن لها صداق المثل ولها الميراث وعليها العدة
 This means that among Ibadi scholars there is no agreement on the issue of
Whether the widow ought to have a dowry as it has not been named (speci-
fied) or not, although they all agree that she has the right to inherit from her
€x-husband and has to keep the ‘idda (waiting-period of a woman after termi-
nation of marriage). (See al-Janawuni (lived in the first half of the fifth/ele-
venth century), Kitab al-nikah, p. 87.) However, Jabir’s view is also ascribed
to Imam al-Shafi‘T (al-Umm, 7:172) and a similar statement to what is repor-
ted here to Jabir b. Zayd (law najidu dhdlika... la-akhadhna bih — if we were
to find this attributed to ibn Mas‘id by a credible, trustworthy [transmitter]
we would adopt it) is also ascribed to al-Shafi'i (wa bi-hadha nagilu illa an
yathbuta hadith Barwa‘ and this what we say unless hadith Barwa‘ is
authentic). By contrast, the Hanafis and Malikis do rely on the hadith of
Barwa‘ b. Washiq, which states that the Prophet has declared that [in such a
Case] the woman has the right to a dowry a woman like her could properly
€xpect, together with the inheritance; and she has to keep the ‘idda. (See al-
Shaybani, al-Hujja, 3:335, and Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:39). Tradi-
 6Chapter Three
tion [4] also includes a problematic opinion ascribed to Abu ‘Alt (who seems
after a careful search in early Ibadi sources to be Misa b. ‘Ali b. ‘Azra al-
Izkawt (177/793—230/844), one of the distinguished influential Omani scho-
lars of his time [al-Battasht, /thaf al-a ‘yan, 1:238-248].) Abi ‘AIT claims that
there is a consensus between jurists (ijma‘ min al-fugahda’...) that the widow
in this case is entitled to a fair dowry. I would suggest that the term ijma
here is not used by Abii ‘All in the technical sense of denying any disagree-
ment on the issue but to emphasize that ‘the hadith of Ibn Mas‘id’ 1s
authentic; hence there should be no other opinion except on the authority of
the Prophet. However, this statement ignores another view ascribed to Abu
‘Alt elsewhere. (See Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ‘, 6:214-215).
[5] From [22] and [44] below it is obvious that this tradition is dealing with a
wife with an actual marital status, consummation (madkhial bi-ha). Jabir’s
opinion which later became the standard Ibadi view is that the right of the
wife to inherit her husband cannot be frustrated by repudiation, because the
wife who has been definitely repudiated (taldq ba’in) during the illness in
which the husband died inherits if she is still in her ‘idda (Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami
6:224, 422 where Ibn Ja‘far emphasizes that an intention of causing harm
(abandoning of inheritance) from the husband to his wife should be observed
in him pronouncing fal/dq during his fatal illness). Parallel to this opinion 1s
that of Abii Hanifa. (See al-Shaybant, Muhammad b. al-Hasan, al-Hujja
where he ascribes this view to ahi al-‘irag (people of Iraq) 4:78-82; Malik,
al-Muwatta ’, 2:571 (1183); and ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:61.)
 [6] On the question of a spouse carrying out ghus/ al-mayyit of the other
partner, most scholars say that it is permissible. (See al-Kindi, Bayan al-
shar’, 16:46, Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 2:398). Hasan al-Basri, al-Sha‘bi and
Abi Hanifa do not allow such an undertaking because, according to them, the
marital tie between the spouses is ended by the death of one of them. (See
Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 3:409, and Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 2:456).
 [7] This is the first tradition reported by Abii Nuh. (See Chapter IV, p. 140
below). It is another argument that has remained controversial since the time
 of the Companions. The opinion of Jabir b. Zayd stated here, although it
presents the view of the majority of Ibadi scholars is thoroughly questioned
by Ibn Baraka. (See al-Jami ', 2:195, and al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 38:43). Most
 Sunni Imams accept the opinion of Jabir b. Zayd that the husband may take
 more than the mahr (dowry) that he paid if the wife proposes khul‘.° (Cf. Ibn
 AbiShayba,al-Musannaf,4:124-125,Musannaf‘Abd al-Razzaq,6:501-
 3A form of divorce by which the wife redeems herself from the marriage for a conside-
ration (Schacht, /ntroduction, p. 164).
Notes on the Edited Text77
504). Imam al-Shafi‘T on the other hand accepts the opposite view. (See al-
Umm, 5:196-197).
[8] On the basis of Q: 2:236 (... But bestow on them a provision (muta), the
rich according to his means and the poor according to his means, a provision
 Of reasonable amount is a duty on the doers of good ...) and Q: 2:241 (And
 for repudiated women, provision (should be provided) on a reasonable
 (Scale). This is a duty on those whofear God (a/-muttaqiin)). There is no
 determination of the amount required to be paid or given. This tradition
 Shows that Jabir gave generously at a time when the usual provision is low.
 The same tradition is quoted in many [bad sources. (See Ibn Ja far, al-Jami'’,
 6:215; al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar‘, 47:103, and al-‘Awtabi, al-Diya’, 8:369,
 412.) For different Opinionson the amountof the mut’apayableto the
 repudiated women, see Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf, 4:140-142.
 [9] Reciting only al-Fatiha (Q: 1) in the prayers of al-zuhr and al-‘asr is one
 Of the figh features of the Ibadiyya. Ibn Baraka makes it a distinctive view
 between“.ashabina[our fellows, i.e. Ibadis]” and those who are “mimman
 khalafana [of our opponents]” and he claims that there is consensus — ijmda’
 al-umma — about this view. (See Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 1:477-479). Although
 Ibn Baraka puts forward a very sensible argument, his claim about consensus
 15 far from reality. (Cf Ibn Ab? Shayba, al-Musannaf, 1:318, and Musannaf
Abd al-Razzaq, 2:126).
 [10] For more opinions on the use of siwak during the days of Ramadan, see
 Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:14; Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami‘, 3:184, 224; Ibn Abi Shayba,
al- Musannaf, 2:294-296, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 4:200-203.
 [11] Although the beginning of this tradition is dealing with the penalty of a
Special degree of wounds,muwaddiha(a woundthat showsthe bone),it
Concludes with a general rule on all wounds (jirahat) caused to slaves. A
Conclusion that was accepted by all Ibadt authorities is that the percentage of
the blood-money paid to them is like the percentage paid to free people,
though the total value of their diya will be less. (See al-Kudami, al-Jami'‘ al-
mufid min ahkam Abi Sa ‘id, 5:280; al-Kindt, al-Musannaf, 41:161; Musannaf
 Abd al-Razzaq, 10:3, and Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 5:388).
[12] The same two Opinions are found in many sources but without ascription
in any of them to Jabir b. Zayd. (Cf. Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 3:315-316, Ibn
Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:57). It is not clear who is quoted in the second opinion
mentioned in this tradition “wa gala ghayruh...”. It could be that a narrator of
the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib was commenting on the book by showing other
[badi or even non-Ibadi views. The latter are sometimes more explicit when a
Statement of Jabir is followed by another opinion ascribed to the Kufans, see
78Chapter Three
for example [28], [31], [40], [201]. Both views are also ascribed to Ibrahim
al-Nakha‘l, Hammad, Mujahid, ‘Ata’ and Tawis. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, al-
Musannaf, 3:404—406).
[13] This is one of three traditions in this book that discuss zakat al-fitr. The
other two are [186] and [223]. Unlike the other two, the term used here is
zakat al-fitr and not sadagat al-fitr. Muslim and al-Bukhari in their Sahihs
only occasionally use zakat instead of sadaga (al-Bukhari tends to usé
sadaga \argely in his subtitles of the book). Al-Salimi comments on these
names by saying that zakat al-fitr and sadaqat al-fitr and fitrat al-abdan are
simply names for the same thing (Sharh al-Jami‘ al-sahih, 2:58). However,
this tradition here is about the timing of zakar al-fitr and it is a Prophetic
tradition in other sources such as Muslim (Sahih, 2:679 [986]) and al-Bukhari
(Sahih, 2:547 [1432)).
 [14] Diya (blood-money), whether mughallaza (heavy), for intentional homi-
 cide, or mukhaffafa (light), for unintentional, amounts to one hundred camels.
 There is a slight disagreement on the determination of the quality of the
 camels for both diyas. The Ibadis choose the opinion of Jabir stated here (see
 Ibn Baraka, al-Jami'‘, 2:514). This is also reported in Ibn Abi Shayba, al-
 Musannaf,5:346(26748),as a Propheticsaying.Healsogivesother
 opinions.
 [15] The early twentieth century Ibadt scholar Atfayyish quotes this opinion
 of Jabir b. Zayd without mentioning his authority (see Sharh al-nil, 4:60), but
 states that Jabir’s opinion is disapproved of. Al-Qurtubt indeed ascribes the
 same opinion to Tawiis and says that it is a very strange (1354 acl) view and
 that no scholar has uttered it (a/-Jami' li-ahkam al-Qur ‘an, 2:390). There are
 other places below in which Jabir gives opinions that corroborate his opinion
 here that if someone performs ‘umra before the months of the haji when he
 was able to make /ajj during its months of the same year he is considered as
 doing the mut‘arite of the hajj. Cf [136] and [189].
[16] As in many other traditions, there are some conditions that are under-
 stood though not mentioned. The mutamatti * is asked to sacrifice an animal,
 but if he is not capable of doing so he has to fast ten days: three while he is
 doing hajj and the rest (seven days) when he returns home (Q: 2:196). From
 this tradition Jabir seems to specify the end of the three days to be the day of
‘Arafa (the ninth of Dhia al-hijja) while Mahbib b. al-Ruhayl (a distinguished
 Omani scholar who was contemporary with al-Rabt’) says that they could be
 4A pilgrim who performs ‘wmra first and then hajj and in-between the two is free of all
prohibitions that pilgrims are asked to avoid.
Notes on the Edited Text79
at any time before the day of ‘Arafa. (Cf. al-Jitali (d.750/1349), Qawa ‘id al-
‘slam, 2:174, and Ibn Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:153).
[17] See [16] above. Note that the opinion attributed here, for the first and the
Only time, to ahi al-Hijaz is the opinion of Ibn ‘Umar and ‘A’ isha (Ibn Abi
Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:154) and ‘Ali (al-Qurtubi, Tafsir, 2:400). It is also
4Pproved by Imam Malik (al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:389), which clearly
 Justifies the use of this term ‘wajaba ‘ala’. (See also Chapter IV below,
P. 130).
[18] See Chapter I, p. 17 of this study. For detailed discussion on the assassi-
nation of the third Caliph ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan from an Ibad7 standpoint see al-
Qalhati, al-Kashfwa al-bayan, 2:220-228.
[19] Like[16] and[17] above, this tradition is dealing with sawmal-
 Mutamatti ‘, but about the other seven days that he has to fast when he returns
Ome. It seems from the statement of Jabir that he does not allow fasting
 While the pilgrim is on his or her journey back home. This is an opinion
 Which adheres to the apparent meaning of the Quran (... he should observe
 *awm three days during the /ajj and seven days after his return to (his home)
 Making ten days in all ...). Q: 2:196. Many scholars state that a pilgrim in
 Such a condition may start fasting before arriving home. (See for example, al-
 !1]317 (d.750/1349), Qawa ‘id al-Islam, 2:174, and Ibn Abt Shayba, al-
usannaf, 3:153).
 ]20[ According to Q: 5:89 (... for its expiation (a deliberate oath) feed ten
 destitute persons (miskin), on a scale of the average of that with which you
 feed your own families ...) the amount of the food is not precisely deter-
Mined. Most fugaha’ specify nisf sa‘ for each miskin, cf. Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ‘,
3:424, Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:98-99. This opinion is ascribed to ‘Ali,
‘Ai’ sha,‘Umar,Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab,Ibrahim al-Nakha‘T and Mujahid
While Jabir’s view mentionedhere is the opinion of Ibn‘Abbas, Zayd b.
Thabit,‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar and‘Ata’. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf,
3:70-73, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 8:506-510).
[21] Observing sawmof three days is the last alternative in the kaffara of
One's oath. In Q: 5:89 there is no mention of whether these three days must
© consecutive or not, though Ubay’s non-canonical reading is (fa-siyamu
thalathati ayyamin (mutatabi at)). This is parallel to what is ascribed to Jabir
here and seems to be a point of agreement. Probably that is why it is not
followed by showing another opinion as the case with [20] above. (See Ibn
Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:88).
80Chapter Three
[22] It is fascinating that on this particular issue there are different views, and
Jabir b. Zayd has his own opinion which is not approved by his student Abi
‘Ubayda, who in his turn has a view that is not accepted by his student Abi
Sufra, whose own opinion is disregarded by his contemporary Muhammad b.
Mahbib(see al-Kindi, al-Musannaf,29:254—255.) The disagreement on the
effect of the repudiationof a womanbeforedukhal (consummationof
marriage) during the death illness of the husband is a debatable issue within
all Sunni schools as well (cf. Ibn Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:10).
 [23] It is clear that this statement is placed after the last one to avoid the
 suggestion that what is said there about the invalidity of some actions of the
 sick person could also be true about him getting married. Jabir, al-Hasan,
 Ibrahim, and al-Sha‘bt allow it whereas ‘Ata’ and al-Zuhri say the opposite.
 (Cf. Ibn Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:24—25).
 [24]Althoughthis question seemsmorerelevant to the kind of subjects
 discussedwithintheHanafischool,I couldnot trace any parallel to this
 tradition except in a/-Umm of al-Shafi'l (5:22) where he states that there is
 “no marriage for the unborn”.
[25] This quotation of Jabir’s opinion is extant in many Ibadi early references
 but without indication of the transmitters. (See Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami‘, 3:577; al-
 Bisyawi, Jami‘, 3:208-209, and cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:481-
 483).
[26] This opinion of Jabir is approved by Ibadis. (Cf al-Kindt, al-Musannaf,
40:100). Howeveral-Hasan al-Basri and al-Sha’bi say that Muslimsand
Dhimmis are alike in the hadd of gadhf (penalty of false accusationof
unchastity). (See Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 5:486).
[27] ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Amr, al-Zuhri, ‘Ata’, Mujahid and Ibrahim are of the
same view that is ascribed to Jabir here. It relies on a Prophetic hadith. (See
‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:126—128.) On the other hand Muhammadb.
Mahbib (Ibadi) (see al-Kind1, al-Musannaf, 40:113), Qatada, al-Hasan and
Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab say the opposite (Abd al-Razzaq, op. cit.).
[28] There is no disagreement on the hadd of the qadhif being eighty lashes,
but the disagreement that occurs is on how powerful should they be. (Cf al-
Kindi, al-Musannaf, 40:95; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 5:529).
[29] This, as far as I know, is the earliest source that gives the name of Jabir’s
wife Amina. Regarding the question set out here, see al-Kindi, al-Musannaf,
7:115; Malik, al-Muwatta’, 1:296; al-Shaybani, al-Hujja, 1:381. On the other
hand, the opposite opinion has been also ascribed to Jabir b. Zayd in some
Notes on the Edited Text81
 Carly Ibadi workssuch as AbaGhanimal-Khurasani, a/l-Mudawwanaal-
 kubra, 1:287; al-Jitali, al-Oawa ‘id, 2:102.
[30] Although Ibadis agree on the view of Jabir quoted here (see al-Kindi, a/-
Musannaf, 6:132), they do not mention his statement, as far as I can discover.
 (See, for example, Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami ‘, 3:101; al-Bisyawi, Jami‘, 2:177-180).
 However,Jabir’sopinionisreportedinnon-Ibadisources alongside
 authorities that take the same position. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf,
 2:383-384, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 4:81).
 [31] For definition of zihar see the note on [2] above. //a@’ is an oath of
 abstinence from intercourse by the husband (Schacht, /ntroduction, 164). The
 Majority of Ibadi scholars follow the same opinion as Jabir that if four
 months pass and the husband does not make the kaffara of zihar his wife is
 considered repudiated. However, there are a few other Ibadi scholars that say
 there is no timing for the zihar. (See al-Kindt, al-Musannaf, 38:147, and al-
 ‘Awtabi, al-Diyad’, 10:72). Sa‘td b. al-Musayyab, al-Hasan al-Basri, [brahim
al-Nakha‘i, Tawis, al-Sha‘bi, Hammad hold this viewpoint, and it is ascribed
to “Alt as well. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:107-108).
 [32] A detailed summary with all the famous opinions and evidence is to be
found in Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:6-8, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 4:27\-
275.
[33] See [14] above. Jabir has reported on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that the
Prophet says: “the diya is one hundred camels”. (See al-Rabi‘, Musnad, 1:259
(661), and cf Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf, 5:344—346.) It seems that behind
this determination of the diya comes what should be considered as a norma-
tive standard of the diya (see al-Salimi, Sharh al-jami‘ al-sahih, 3:426-427).
[34] Similar Prophetic hadiths are to be found in al-Rabt', al-Musnad, 1:221-
222 transmitted by Jabir b. Zayd. (Cf Malik, al-Muwatta’, 1:61-63; Ibn
Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:200).
[35] Ibadt sources such as Ibn Ja‘far (al-Jami’, 6:410) and al-Kindi (al-
Musannaf, 28:282—283) agree with the opinion of Jabir stated here about the
maintenance of the wife of a mafqid (person missing in apparently disastrous
circumstances) but without any reference to Jabir. However, Ibn Abi Shayba
(al-Musannaf, 4:143) quotes Jabir b. Zayd narrating that Ibn ‘Abbas and Ibn
‘Umar differed on this matter. Jabir’s opinion is the same as Ibn ‘Umar’s.
[36] See [34] above. (Cf al-Kindt, al-Musannaf, 39:37, and al-Shafi‘l, al-
Umm, 1:61).
82Chapter Three
[37] This, as are questions [101], [103], [118], [E1] and [E2] below, is based
on the opinion that an umm walad (a female slave who has borne a child to
her owner) is no different from an ama (female slave). (See Abii Ghanim al-
Khurasant, al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:193; Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:246,
252-253). This is a view shared by ‘Ali, Tawiis in one narration, and by
Ibrahim, while al-Hasan, al-Zuhri, al-Sha‘bt and Hammad claim that an umm
walad cannot meet the required ‘itg (manumission) of the ‘kaffara of zihar’
(see [31] above) and of homicide (Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:77).
 [38] There is a similar tradition with more details in Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ,
 1:489-490. It reads: “Jabir b. Zayd saw somebody performing his prayer on
 [the top of] the Ka‘ba, and said: “Who is the person praying? He has no
 gibla’. There are other scholars who dislike the performance of the prayer on
 the top of the Ka‘ba, such as ‘Ata’ and al-Zuhri (cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
 Musannaf, 5:85—86). On the other hand, there are other scholars who say that
 it is alright to do so, as can be understood from al-Shafi‘t (a/-Umm, 1:170).
 [39] ‘Ataba in this context means to be affected by an illness that might cause
 halak (death). (See Lisan al-'arab, 1:610). Most scholars say the same. (See
 Ibn Ja far, al-Jami ', 3:387; Ibn Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:400).
[40] Unlike [39] above, here the badana (a camel to be sacrificed in Mecca)
is sent with somebody, though it is also not an obligatory matter. Thus Jabir
 b. Zayd does not allow the person taking the animal [deputy] to eat any of it,
 while ‘Ata’ and Sa‘id b. Jubayr permit him to eat and to feed destitute people
as well. (Cf. Ibn Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:401). On the other hand, if the
badana sent is an obligatory one, as in the case of a mutamatti‘ (see [16]
above), he has to replace it with another one. This is why the person taking
the animalis allowedto eat fromit according to Jabir, in contrast to a
Prophetic tradition narrated in Muslim (al-Sahih, 2:962). This could explain
the last sentence in this tradition “... wa kana al-kifiyyiin yakrahiinah — the
Kufans were not in favour of it”.
[41] Su’r in Lisan al- ‘arab, 4:339 is the “residue of something” and it is used
in this context for the water left after the donkeys have drunk. For the Ibadi
view on this issue see Ibn Baraka, al-Jami’, 1:402, and Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami',
1:273-274, 6:74, and for other opinions and arguments see Ibn Abi Shayba,
al-Musannaf, 1:35.
[42] Al-hijr here means hijr al-Ka ‘ba which is the unbuilt part of the Ka ‘ba at
its northern side. (See EF, IV, p. 317, s.v. Ka‘ba). For the argument of
performing salat — especially obligatory ones — inside the hijr, see Ibn Jafar,
al-Jami‘, 2:133; Ibn Baraka, al-Jami’, 1:489. Jabir’s opinion is quoted in
Atfayyish (Sharh al-nil, 4:133). ‘A’isha, ‘Alt b. al-Husayn and Sa‘id b.
Notes on the Edited Text83
 Jubayr say that there is no harmin doingso. (See Ibn Abi Shayba,ai-
 Musannaf, 2:238).
 [43] Za ‘fardn (saffron), wars and ‘usfur are all colours used for dyeing cloth.
 (See Lisan al-‘arab; Mukhtar al-sihah). Yon Ja‘far (al-Jami‘, 3:307) states
 that the smell remaining in the clothes after they have been washed must go
 in order to allow the muhrim (see [3] above) to wear them. (Cf. Ibn Abi
 Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:168 where it seems that it is a matter of colour rather
 than smell).
 [44] See [5] and [22] above.
 [45] Bases of exclusion from inheritance are difference of religion, being a
 Slave and having caused the death of the deceased. But whether or not they
may influence other heirs, by totally preventing him or her from his or her
Succession or partly by reducing it, is another issue. (Cf Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami',
 5:360 where he makes the same statement but later points out that other
Opinions are also to be found and they are “all correct”, op. cit., p. 383.) The
Statement of Jabir is also ascribed to ‘Umar and ‘All. (See Ibn Abi Shayba,
al-Mugannaf, 6:251). ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar says that persons excluded from
inheritance for any reason do prevent other heirs. (See Musannaf ‘Abd al-
Razzaq, 10:279).
 [46] Atan (and atan) is a female wild ass (Lisan al- ‘arab, 13:6; Mukhtar al-
sihah, 1:2) as opposed to the domestic donkey. Most scholars, such as al-
Hasan, Sa‘id b. Jubayr, Mujahid, Hammad and Ibrahim, have either disliked
Or forbidden the milk of wild asses, while a few of them say that it is allowed
or allowed for necessity, e.g. medication, as ascribed to Jabir here and to
‘Ata’ elsewhere. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 5:55; ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
al-Musannaf, 9:256—257).
[47] Although Jabir’s opinion here is clear and explicit, Ibadis held varying
views on the issue as early as the compilation of our book. For we find that
two distinguished scholars and possible transmitters of Athar al-Rabi‘ b.
Habib, Muhammadb. Mahbiib and Misa b. ‘Ali (see Chapter IV) disagreed
on this particular question. (See Ibn Ja far, al-Jami', 5:386). Yet I could not
find the view that is ascribed here to the Kufans, ‘Ali and Ibn Mas ‘id to be of
the latter. I could, however, find references taking it back to ‘Ali — as
mentioned in the text -, ‘Umar and to Zayd b. Thabit. (Cf Ibn Abi Shayba,
al-Musannaf,6:245—246).Shurayh seems to have hesitated on the same
problem,onceexpressingone opinion and once another. (See ‘Abd al-
Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 10:288, and cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 6:246).
84Chapter Three
[48] This tradition is an explanatory one of a Prophetic hadith that states that
the fingers are equal in diya, an opinion on which there is agreement among
the Ibadis. (Cf Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:501, and Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani,
al-Mudawana al-kubra, 2:294). It is also the opinion of most scholars and
imams,except,as I found,Ibrahim.(Cf. IbnAbiShayba,al-Musannaf,
5:367—368, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 9:346, 384).
[49] “Foster suckling relationship (rada‘) renders marriage unlawful, just as
the corresponding birth (blood) relationship” is a Prophetic hadith narrated
on the authority of many reporters including Jabir b. Zayd. (See al-Rabi' b.
Habib, al-Musnad, 1:210, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:474; cf. Ibn
Ja far, al-Jami ‘, 6:256).
[50] For gadhf see note [1] above. “‘... wa la ba’sa ‘alaiyhi fit dhalika — there
is no harm on him in that” — at the end of the question might sound redun-
dant, but indeed it is not. It is referring to the husband intending not to sue his
wife for muld‘ana (or li‘an) whereasthe first /@ ba’sa‘alaiyhi ... is for
having marital intercourse with her.
[51] See [37], [116], [118], [E1] and [E2] with my notes on them.
[52] On the manumission of umm al-walad on the death of her owner, Jabir’s
opinion as given in the manuscripts is that it is to be debited to the whole of
the assets. However, although all copies of the manuscript agree on the
reading of this tradition, I think that there is a slip of the pen on the word laha
— for her — because if she already had a child there would not be any need to
state that she is pregnant. What makes the issue worth discussion is the owner
having no other heir who might share the ownership of umm al-walad with
her child. Thus I would suggest the word /ahu — for him — to replace /aha, so
the tradition would read:
الربيع عن ضمام عن أبي الشعثاء في رجل توفي وترك أم ولده حاملا
. يعتقها من جميع المال:وليس له ولد؟ قال
For a good Ibadi discussion, see Abu Ghanim al-Khurasant, al-Mudawwana
al-kubra, 2:194-195;Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami’, 6:15. (Cf‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
Musannaf, 9:146).
 [53] Istahalla means the baby cried at the birth. (See Lisdan al- ‘arab, 11:702;
 Mukhtar al-sihah, 1:290). See [11] above and Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:506.
 For causing abortion Imam Malik says that the provision is one tenth of the
value of its mother (a/-Muwatta ’, 2:856) unlike the opinion ascribed here to
the Kufans that it is a twentieth.
 [54] See [3] and [43] above.
Notes on the Edited Text85
[SS] Mukataba is manumission by contract. All traditions regarding mukatab
 in this book, e.g. [57], [104], [119], [122], [124], [126], [130], [287] make it
 Clear that Ibadis consider the mukdtab as a free person from the time that the
 Contract is written between him or her and the owner. They base all details
 regarding his or her status accordingly, e.g. getting married to a free woman,
 transactions, penalties, etc. (Cf. Atfayyish, Sharh al-nil, 5:207, and al-
Awtabt, al-Diya’, 8:112).
 [56] This tradition here does not explain the way in which this thawb -
 Covering of cloth — is worn “over the chest of a muhrim” (see [3] above). But
 the argument on the clothes of a muhrim can also be found in Ibn Ja‘far, al-
Jami ‘, 3:307; al-Kindi, al-Musannaf,8:138-139.(Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, ai-
 Musannaf, 3:449).
 [37] Ibadis from the time of Jabir b. Zayd have agreed that if a female slave is
 Married to either a free man or to a slave, she has the choice to stay with him
 Or to get divorced as soon as she is freed. Of this opinion are ‘A’ isha, al-
 Sha‘bi, Ibn Sirin, Sa‘Id b. al-Musayyab and Tawus. Other scholars of the
 Companionssuch as Ibn ‘Umar and the Followers like al-Hasan and al-Zuhri
 Say that if she is freed and her husband is a free man she does not have this
right. (See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:253-254, and al-Jassas al-Razi
(d. 370/980), Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 2:363-364, no. 866).
 [S8} Taylasan is like an un-sewn mantle. Interesting descriptions of it and its
history with different arguments about this kind of clothing are to be found in
al-Suyiati, al-Ahadith al-hisan fi fadl al-taylasan, ed. Albert Arazi, Jerusalem
 1983. Wa la yazrurhu means not to fasten it over him or her (the muhrim).
This permission to wear a taylasan without fastening (knotting) is ascribed to
[bn ‘Umar, while Ibn ‘Abbas allows it without this condition. (See al-
Shaybani, al-Mabsiut, 4:139). There are many scholars who agree with Jabir’s
Opinion like Sa‘id b. Jubayr, ‘Ata’, al-Hasan, Ibrahim, and others. (See Ibn
Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:328). And although Ibadis do not often mention
this permission, some distinguished authorities have used it. Wa’il b. Ayyab®
Wore it for his izradm according to Muhammad b. al-Hawari. (See Jami‘ Abi
al-Hawari, 3:51).
[S9] This tradition is a brilliant exampleof the political approachIbadis
followedunder the corruptUmayyadgovernorsof Iraq, see aboveCh.J,
Pp. 19-21.AlthoughIbadis’statementson giving or accepting bribes are
SAstudent of al-Rabr' at Basra, from Hadramawt, he succeeded al-Rabi‘ in Iraq after the
move of the latter to Oman. He participated in the revolt of ‘Abd Allah b. Yahya al-
Kindi in Yemen, see Ennami (ed.), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, p. 110.
86Chapter Three
very strict, to the extent that they consider it kufr,° and they interpret suht
mentioned in the Qur’an (Q: 5:42) with it specifically. (See al-Kindi, a/-
Musannaf,10:276,13:102,andAtfayyish,Sharhal-nil,13:75—-76.).They
permit it during times of corrupt governors to avoid bigger harm or injustice
against them. Jabir b. Zayd is quoted in many early Ibadi and non-Ibadi
sources saying “there was nothing more beneficial for us — i.e. [badis — than
bribery at the time of ‘Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad”. Similar statements are
abundant in al-’ Awtabi, al-Diya’, 4:426; Atfayyish, Sharh al-nil, 16:560, and
Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 8:149. Al-Hasan al-Basri also approves this
opinion. (Cf. loc. cit.).
[60] The opinion that the selling of the mushafs is disliked though there is no
harm in buying them is mentioned in many Ibadi sources without any
reasoningof thisdifferentiation.(Seeforinstance,IbnJa‘far,al-Jami ,
5:138). The disagreement on this issue is a famous one from the early time of
Islam to the extent that some scholars of the Followers narrate that Ibn ‘Umar
says: “I wish hands were to be cut off in cases of the selling of mushafs”
while scholars like al-Hasan and al-Sha‘bi say that it is alright to sell them.
(Cf. Ibn Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:287-288, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-
Razzaq, 8:110-113). Imam Malik is of the same opinion as Jabir according to
al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 11:418.
[61] Al-‘agi here means diya, see [11], [14] and [33] (Lisan al-‘arab, and
Mukhtar al-sihah, s.v.‎ عقل١. The tradition is talking about a famous principle
in criminal law in Islam, that the diya of women is half of that of men. For
details of this principle and disagreements on them see Ibn Abi Shayba, al-
Musannaf, 5:411-412, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzdq, 9:395, and note what
Imamal-Shafi‘l claimsin a/-Umm,6:306,that thereis consensuson the
principle.
[62]Fora husbandtosaytohiswifesucha sentenceis a caseof
investigation by fugaha’ whether it should be considered a statement of
divorce or not. Many scholars link this to the Qur’4n (66:1—2). The earliest
Ibadi sources I found discussing this matter are al-Mudawwana al-kubra of
Abii Ghanimal-Khurdsani,2:67-68; Jami’ Abi al-Hawari, 4:31, and Jami’
Ibn Jafar, 6:389. More discussions and details are to be found in Sunni
references.(Seefor example,Malik,al-Mudawwanaal-kubra,5:395;al-
Jassasal-Razi,Mukhtasarikhtilaf al-‘ulama’,2:413-415whereJabiris
quoted saying the sameopinion mentionedhere, cf. Musannaf‘Abd al-
Razzaq, 8:440—-441).
6For the use of this term in Ibadi theology see footnote 44 of Ch. I above.
Notes on the Edited Text87
 [63]Thisopinionof Jabir b. Zaydis identically quotedin Ibn Ja‘far, al-
Jami‘, 3:577, and it seems to be the only approved opinion within the Ibadi
School and most, if not all, scholars from other schools. (Cf Musannaf ‘Abd
al-Razzdq, 4:48 1-483, and al-Qaffal al-Shashi, Hilyat al-‘ulama’, 3:421).
 [64] Fa-htawashahu ... the verb ihtawash from hawash means they surroun-
ded him or gathered all around him (Lisan al-‘arab, s.v. Wi3—), naghal as
€xplained in the text means illegitimate child (Lisan al-‘arab, J+ -). The
first source that mentioned this tradition with its story is Kitab al-siyar of al-
Shammakhi,1:82. Dumamaccording to al-Shammakhi was asked by a
womanabout what her husband had said and Dumdmthen asked Jabir. The
Other source where | found this tradition is the late Omani scholar al-Salimi
in his al-‘Igd al-thamin (1* edn.), 3:83-84. Al-Salimi, though he gives more
details and with a record of the name of the husband, has not mentioned his
Source. In a reply to a question about this narration he says that a man called
AbiWaqidfrom al-Mukalla (Yemen)bought a watermelonand whenhe
brought it home his children surrounded him and thus he said what is asked
about in the tradition. However, this incident is more likely to have taken
Place in an Ibadi surrounding, as the people involved are all Ibadis and they
do not seem to have asked any other scholar rather than Jabir which could
explain the ignorance, as far as | could find, of Sunni references to such a
question.
[65] This tradition is an example of the steps that the first founder of the
Ibadi school followed and advised his followers to follow to maintain their
relations with the mainstream and avoid any disruption to their movement.
Jabir b. Zayd narrates on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas a Prophetic hadith:
إنكم ستدركون من بعدي أئمة يؤخرون الصلاة عن وقتها فإذا أدركتم ذلك
.فاجعلوا صلاتكم معهم سبحة أي نافلة
“You are going to come across imams after my death who postpone the‏
Prayers to the end of their timing. If you do, make your prayer with them‏
nafila’. (Cf. Musnad al-Rabi’ b. Habib,no. 212; SahihMuslimon the‏
authority of Ibn Mas‘iid, no. 830; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 2:154;
Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 2:382).
[66] Cf Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 2:485—486; al-Umm, 1:149-150.
[67] ... gatifah is a piece of fabric that a muhrim wears around his or her
Shoulders “to keep warm”. See [34], [56] and [58] above.
[68] There is a dispute between fugaha’on the issue of a married ama getting
her freedom, from the time of the Companions. The key question is regarding
88Chapter Three
her choice to remain under her husband whether he is a slave or a free man OF
not remain. For a good view of their arguments see Musannaf ‘Abd al-
Razzaq, 7:253-255; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:507-509; al-Umm,
5:123, and al-Mudawwanaal-kubra, 6:30. See also references cited on note
[57] above.
[69] Note that the question 1s talking about Nasraniyyayni — two Christians —
instead of the most used term in the Qur’an “People of the scripture”. Unlike
[73] below, this question could refer to a certain incident that took place at
that time rather than being a principle set out. (See al-Umm, 6:35-36, and al-
Mudawwana al-kubra, 4:308).
[70] For a /i‘an see the note on [1] above. This opinion that after the
mula ‘ana the partners are separated from each other and they cannot remarry
each other is the opinion of most scholars from all Muslim schools. (Cf. Ibn
Abt Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:19; al-Umm, 5:255; al-Mudawwana al-kubra,
6:108).
[71], [72] Both traditions are based on the basis of the slave being himself
owned wholly by his or her master. These statements are also ascribed to Ibn
 ‘Abbas, Ibrahim, al-Hasan, al-Sha‘bi, Ibn Sirin and ‘Ata’. (See Abii: Ghanim
al-Khurasani, al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:192; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf,
4:273, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 8:76).
[73] See [69] above. For the differentiation between young children, when
one of their parents embraces Islam, and adults, see al-Kindi, al/-Musannaf,
39:129.
 [74] This tradition is a Prophetic tradition. (See al-Muwatta’, 2:486; Ibn Abi
Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:135; Sahih Muslim, 2:955-956).
 [75] It is obvious that the question here is regarding women performing hajj
or ‘umra although there is no mention of this whereas [76] below is more
detailed. (Cf. Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami', 3:342; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf,
3:146-147, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:402).
 [76] See [75] above.
 [77] Although Ibadis state that there is an agreement on this issue amongst
them, it seems that there are different opinions with regard the maintenance
of a pregnant widow. (See al-‘Awtabi, al/-Diya’, 10:161, 175-176, 179.) For
details of all views and authorities, see Musannaf‘Abd al-Razzaq, 7:36—39;
 Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:165—-168.
 [78] ... ab‘ad al-ajalayn means the longest period the women must wait
before getting married if she is pregnant, i.e. her ‘idda lasts either to the four
Notes on the Edited Text89
 months and ten days prescribed in the Qur’an (65:4) or to her delivery if her
 Pregnancycontinues beyondthe four monthsand ten days.MostIbadi
 Scholars follow this view of Jabir b. Zayd to the extent that al-Hawwari,
 (Tafsir, 4:374) says, “this is the opinion of Jabir b. Zayd and Ibn ‘Abbas and
 the vast majority of our fugaha”’. (Cf, al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 38:207). Yet
 Most scholars of all other schools of thought are of the opinion ascribed here
 to the Kufans. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:555-557; al-Muwatta’,
 2:589_-592; al-Umm, 5:224).
 [79] Both names, Khalid and his son ‘Ubayd, mentioned here are unfamiliar.
 However, this tradition seems to be derived from a Prophetic hadith. (See al-
 Muwatta’, 2:774; Muslim, Sahih, 1668).
 [80] “... wa al-mawtu hdjiz” means that death terminates the contract of
 mukataba, see [55] and [57] above. More details on this issue can be found in
 Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 8:412—414, and al-Umm, 8:85.
 [81]It is clear from the context that this traditionis a refutation of the
 Opinion that selling an ama is considered in itself to be a divorce from her
husband which is ascribed to Ibn ‘Umar, ‘Ali, ‘Ikrima and Mujahid. (See Ibn
Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 4:102-103.) For the evidence and the authorities
that approve the first opinion, see al-Kindi, al/-Musannaf, 30:235; al-
Muwatta’, 2:617, and cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf, 4:103-105.
 [82] The basis of this opinion of Jabir stated here is the Qur’an (5:96) and a
hadith narrated in al-Muwatta’, 1:350. There are different sources quoting
Jabir saying similar statements. (See for example, al-Jital; Qawa ‘id al-Islam,
2:147; Ibn Kathir; Tafsir, 2:657, and al-Qurtubt; Tafsir, 6:322).
[83] Ibn Baraka after quoting this opinion claims that it is “an agreement
between our followers — ashabinad” (al-Jami ., 2:62—-63). ... yuhkam (passive
Of yahkum — adjudge) is a Qur’anic term (Q: 5:95): (...vahkumu bihi dhawa
 adlin minkum — adjudged by two just men among you). For details of this
argument see Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 4:389-394.
[84] Similar traditions are ascribed to Ibrahim al-Nakha‘i, al-Hasan, Sa‘id b.
al-Musayyab,al-ZuhriandQatdda.(CfIbnAbiShayba;al-Musannaf,
4:164).
[85] Amongst the forty-six traditions in the book regarding hajj and ‘umra,
this is the only one that deals with deputizing for somebody at performing
rites of hajj. This is done in a remarkably generalised way, with no comment
On the consequentialproblemsthat exercisedother scholars, e.g. 1s it only
allowed when hajj is the obligatory, first one? Can any one do it on behalf of
90Chapter Three
the dead or should it be a relative? Is this wasiyya (legacy) to be debited to
the whole of the assets?, ... etc.
[86] This standpoint of Jabir is a good example of the juristic rule “neces-
sities permit prohibitions”. (See Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 9:256).
[87] See Ch. I, pp. 19-21. Although Jabir b. Zayd instructed his followers to
keep their ties and to communicate with one another, he was very careful on
this to the extent that he on some occasions asked some of his friends not to
contact him and he ordered them not to mention his name. (See Rasa ‘il Jabir
 ‎م. Zayd, ms, letters 1, p. 2, and 5, p. 15).
[88] Nikah al-sirr is a marriage contract without witnesses, as understood
from the word sirr, secret, and as indicated in [90] below. This tradition is
identically quoted by the early [badi author Ibn Khalfiin, Ajwiba, 65. For the
differences of viewson the sameissue, see a/l-Muwatta’, 2:535; Ibn Abt
Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:495, and al-Umm, 5:22.
[89] See [88] above. (Cf Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, p. 69).
[90]‘Arif is the head of a tribe or a group of people. (See Lisan al-‘arab,
9:238). For the argument, see [88] above. /bid.
[91] There are many traditions in the book, let alone elsewhere, where Jabir
b. Zayd emphasizes the importance of attending Friday prayer, see [S16],
[254] and [316] below. (Cf Ch. I, p. 21). In the epistle of Mahbub b. al-
Ruhayl to the people of Oman he says, “it is revealed to us that people of
 ‘Uman wrote to Jabir b. Zayd asking him: Should those who do not hear the
call (adhan) for Friday prayer attend it? Jabir replied to them: if only those
who hear its call attend, its attendants will be very little ...”. (See Kashif, al-
Siyar wa al-jawabat, 1:288).
 [92] See [88], [89] and [90] above.
 [93] Although Jabir’s great teachers are Ibn ‘Abbas and ‘A’isha, he has a
different opinion on the issue of the place at which a widow should stay until
the end of her ‘idda (see [78] above). For most of the opinions and traditions
regarding this, see Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 7:28-35, and Ibn Abi Shayba,
al-Musannaf, 4:155—157.
 [94] See [82] above. “... gadid ...” means salty dried slices of meat (Lisan al-
‘arab, 3:344, s.v. » 4).
 (95] For definition of diya see [14] above. Most Ibadi scholars and the
majority of Shafi‘ls are of the same opinion of Jabir b. Zayd. (See al-Kindi,
al-Musannaf, 41:153, and al-Umm, 6:105, 7:321). But the late Omani scholar
Notes on the Edited Text91
 Khalfan b. Jumayyil strongly argued against it (al-Siyabi, Jala’ al-‘ama,
p. 206-207).TheHanafissay that Muslims,Jews,ChristiansandZoroas-
trians are all equal in diya. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf, 5:406, and al-
Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al- ‘ulama’, 5:155).
 [96] This tradition is not consistent with other traditions ascribed to Jabir on
the same issue. In his letter addressed to Yazid b. Yasar, Jabir states that the
Only permissible way of muzara‘a (a contract of lease of agricultural land) is
with specific amount of money. (See Rasa ‘il Jabir b. Zayd, ms, letter no. 8,
p. 22). Ibn al-Mundhir claims there is consensus of the Companions on the
permissibility of renting the land by means of gold or silver (money). (See al-
Salimi, Sharh al-jami‘al-sahih, 3:179, and cf. Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:398).
[97] “... ja’iz‘ala ahlih ...”. J@’iz here is not in its commonlegal use; it
means they are accounted for it as we find in al-Oamus al-muhit (p. 651, 5's):
. أمضاه: وأجاز له البيع2 أنفذه كجوزه:وأجاز رأيه
And there is a Prophetic hadith proving the same judgment taken from the
tradition mentioned here. (See al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, 3:490, and Abt: Dawid,
Sunan, 2:259).
[98] Ibn Baraka presents this view of Jabir b. Zayd in a detailed discussion
with evidence (see al-Jami ‘, 2:505-506). There is no agreement on this issue
among Muslim scholars of all schools of thought. The Hanafis for example
argue that gisds, retaliation, is entailed between Muslims and the People of
the Scripture. (Cf. al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 5:157).
Another point worth looking at in this tradition is the use of the word mushrik
for Jews and Christians. A quick survey on early Ibadi use of this term
indicates that whenever it is used detached from any limitations, i.e. adjec-
tives or adverbs ... etc., it means non-Muslims; otherwise it is according to
the context in which it is used. (See Abii Hafs ‘Amr b. Jumay‘, Mugadimat
al-tawhid wa shurihuha (ed. Ibrahim Atfayyish), Muscat 1989, p. 107-115).
[99] See [94] above.
[100] See al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 41:152.
[101] See [37] above, [116] and [E1] below.
[102] Compared to note [52] above, this tradition ascertains the same conclu-
Sion, though in another way. First it verifies that an umm walad is an ama by
Stating that her master can let her get marry to another. Second it shows that
Since she is an ama, she does not own even the dowry but her master
possesses it and as he deserves it during his life it remains as his right even
92.Chapter Three
after his death when an umm walad becomes free (see notes [37] above and
[E1] below).
[103] Cf Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:246; Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani, al/-Mudaw-
wana al-kubra, 2:193-—194, and Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 3:136—-138.
[104] See notes [55], [57], [80] above, [119], [122] and [124] below.
[105] See [104] above. (Cf Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:257—258).
[106] See [63] above. This is a famous statement of Jabir b. Zayd quoted in
many Ibadi and non-Ibadi sources. (See for example, Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ,
3:577-578, and Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, 4:481—483).
[107] See the note on [106] above.
[108] The opinion of Jabir is quoted in Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ‘, 3:578 but without
pointing to any other opinion. My searches for passages containing the
illegible text at the opinion of the Kufans mentioned here have not yielded
any passage that might fit.
[109] “... mudabbar...” is a slave who has been manumitted by tadbir’. This
standpoint of Jabir about not selling a mudabbar is mentioned in most early
Ibadi sources. (See for example, Abt Ghanim al-Khurasani, a/-Mudawwana
al-kubra, 2:193, and Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 6:19). However, it is not the only
opinionwithin the 153017 figh.Ibn Barakafor instancementionstwoother
opinions ascribed to early Ibadis (see al-Jami‘, 2:245). However, there are
many distinguished non-Ibadi scholars who hold the same opinion as Jabir b.
Zayd such as Imam Malik (a/l-Muwatta’, 2:814-815), Shurayh, Sa‘id b. al-
Musayyaband Salim b. ‘Abd Allah. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, a/-Musannaf,
4:325-327).
[110] See [109] above.
[111] For the opinion of Jabir, see Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 3:397; Ibn Baraka al-
Jami‘, 2:72. For the Kufans, cf Musannaf ‘Abd al-Razzdq, 8:506-7
(16075-77), and Ibn Abt Shayba, a/-Musannaf, 3:71, although he also ascri-
bed the same opinion as Jabir, 1.e. a mudd, to Ibrahim al-Nakha‘T. (See Ibn
Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 3:72).
[112] Unlike [111] above, here the term used is fidya as used in the Quran
(2:184) and not kaffara. However, the majority of Ibadi scholars do not
follow the opinion of Jabir b. Zayd in this matter. They state that the fidya of
permissible break of fasting is nisf sa‘ and not a mudd. (See Ibn Baraka, al-
7A manumission which takes effect at the death of the owner, Schacht, J. /ntroduction.
Notes on the Edited Text93
 Jami‘, 1:32; Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 3:424; Abi al-Hasan al-Bisyawi, al-Jami ,
 2:223).
[113] For the use of the term fidya see the commentson [111] and [112]
 above. In this tradition it is not specified to which action or deed al-jaza’
 refers. However, a similar use of the term in Ibn Ja‘far suggests that it is
 regarding the permission in hajj for shaving one’s head if he is sick or has an
 ailment of the head (Q: 2:196). (Cf, Jami‘ Ibn Ja ‘far, 3:397).
 [114] This traditionis a Propheticone. (SeeMusnad al-Rabi’ b. Habib,
 (hadith no. 331); al-Bukhari, al-Sahih, 14:112; Muslim, al-Sahih, 981, and
 Malik, al-Muwatta’, 608). All these sources record it with similar but not
 identical phrases. A/-sawani is the plural of sdniya: the camel used for raising
 Water (see Lisdn al-‘arab, 14:404). Al-dawali is the plural of daliya: a tool
 used for watering made of wood or fronds (see Lisan al- ‘arab, 14:266).
 [115] Kariha ..., this verb indicates that Jabir does not forbid the sacrifice of
 an animal with a cut ear or broken horn. In the book there are other traditions
that are of the same line of argument, see the text [282] and [253]. (Cf Abi
Ghanim al-Khurasant, a/l-Mudawwana al-sughra, 1:130, and id., al-Mudaw-
wana al-kubrd, 1:350; Jami‘ Ibn Ja ‘far, 3:401-403). There are other Ibadi
Scholars who state that it is forbidden to sacrifice such an animal. (See Abi
al-Hasan al-Bisyawi, al-Jami ‘, 2:291, 3:220).
 [116] I could not find a parallel statement on the umm al-walad (for defini-
tion see [37] above) with regard to allowing her to get married to another
man, unlike the ama (female slave). However, Jabir b. Zayd according to this
Narration, equates them. For the case with the ama, cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaaq, al-
Musannaf, 7:241-242. Idha naza‘ahé ... seems to refer to the husband,
though the istibra’ (waiting period of a female slave after a change of owner)
refers to the owner and not to the husband in this case. (Cf. Rasa’ il Jabir b.
Zayd, ms, letter no.7, p. 21; al-Bisyawt, al-Jami ‘, 3:32, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
al-Musannaf, 7:229). See note [102] above and [133] below.
[117] Unlike [192] below, there are two different opinions on gadhf al-ama
(false accusation of unlawful intercourse by a female slave) mentioned in this
tradition. The first opinion, not to punish the accuser, has been ascribed to al-
Hasan al-Basri, Ibn Sirin, ‘Ata’ and al-Zuhri. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musan-
naf, nos. 2824547, 28249; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, no. 13805 and
Malik, al-Muwatta’, 2:568). The second opinion which differentiates be-
tween a known female slave of righteousness and others, although fair and
reasonable, seems a very rare view that I could not trace in most figh and
lafsir references. There is a statement attributed to Ibn ‘Umar from which it
can be perceived that he has a similar opinion. (See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
04Chapter Three
Musannaf,7:439). Yet there is a third opinion ascribed to Ibn ‘Umar and
‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz that the accuser should be punished by hadd exactly
as if he has accused a free woman. (Cf Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, nos.
282251, 282254).
[118] From the reply of Jabir b. Zayd, it is not clear what the questioner was
asking about, although Jabir’s reply is apparently plausible to him. From
other narrations in the book, one might infer that the key point here is to
reveal the similarity of al-ama and umm al-walad. See notes [101], [103]
above. Since the question of ‘itg (manumission) is raised here among all the
narrations related to the matters of umm al-walad, the only conjecture is that
this is about the ‘idda (waiting-period of a female slave, in this context, after
her manumission). (Cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:233, no. 1293540,
and 9:146).
[119] For the arguments regarding the ihsan (the consummation of a valid
marriage with a free partner), see Malik, a/-Muwatta’, 2:787—788; Ibn Abi
Shayba,Musannaf,4:314-316,and‘Abdal-Razzaq,al-Musannaf,8:397-
408.
[E1] Like most scholars, Jabir considers the umm al-walad like the ama (see
[37] and [116] above) and therefore their liability as slaves to hadd
punishment is less than free males and females. They are punished with half
the hadd of a free person (Q: 4:25), but because stoning to death cannot be
halved, they are not subject to the penalty of being stoned to death (rajm).
(Cf. al-Tabari,Tafsir, 5:24; al-Shafi't, Ahkam al-Qur’an, 1:307, and al-
Qurtubt, Jami’al-bayan, 5:145). “Ata, on the other hand, says in one
narration that even slaves are punished with the rajm applicable to free
people. (See: ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:102).
 [E2]Notimplementing/i'an(for definitionsee the noteon[1]above)
between a female slave and a free man is ascribed to many second generation
authorities like Ibrahim al-Nakha't, al-Sha‘bi, al-Zuhri, ‘Ata’ and Mujahid.
(See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:127; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
5:509).
 [122] As in [119] above, the testimony of the mukatab as a witness 1s
dependent on whether one considers him a slave or a freed person. In contrast
to Jabir’sopinionmentionedhere,Ibrahimal-Nakha‘l,al-Zuhri,Hammad
and Qatada do not consider the mukdtab liable to be a witness in court. (See
 ‘Abd al-Razzi4q, al-Musannaf, 8:345, 397).
 [123] This opinion of Jabir is also quoted in al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar’, 25:91.
Non-Ibadi sources like Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 3:69, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
Notes on the Edited Text95
al-Musannaf, 8:446, have ascribed to Jabir a different opinion but identical to
question no. [168] below. Yusammi in this context simply means to specify
his or her nadhr (vow).
[124]This is anotherexampleof treating the mukdtabas a free man,see
[119] and [122] above. He is entitled to undertake all kinds of transactions
and subsequently he will be accounted for and be responsible for his own
actions. For the mukatab to be punished if he commits what could make him
Subject to a hadd see Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:492, no. 28290 where
according to Ibn ‘Abbas he is not liable to hadd but to a slave’s punishment.
[125] “... was ...” is an executor and/or a guardian appointed by testament
(Schacht, Introduction, 120, 173). Again this is another detail on the mukatab
based on the juristic principle that the Ibadiyya follow that a mukdtab is a
free person from the time the contract is signed (see [55] above).
[126] See [125] above. (Cf. Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:257-258, Ibn Abt
Shayba, Musannaf, 4:316-318, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 8:405-
 410).
[127] There is no explanation for rejecting the validity of the wasiyya (see
[85] above) of a person for his or her own slave ( abd — male slave — or ama
 ~ female slave) except what al-Kindi mentions in his Musannaf, 28:81-82.
 Note that Jabir’s opinion is not the only opinion on this matter, although it
 Stems to be the one approved by the majority. (Cf ‘Abd al-Razzaaq, ai-
Musannaf, 9:90, and Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 6:222).
[128] See [126] above.
[129] See [126] and [128] above.
 [130] Again both opinions mentioned here are based on the same ground of
 traditions [55], [57], [104], [119], [122], [126] above and [131] and [287]
 below.
 [131] See [130] above.
 [132] “... nujiimuh ...”, pl. of najm which means in this context instalments
 (Lis@n al-‘arab, s.v.e->- ). (See al-Muwatta’, 2:800-802, and Ibn Abi
 Shayba, Musannaf, 4:387).
 [133] See [37], [52], [102], [116], [118] and [E1] above.
 [134] “... mu takif ...” is the one who is in astate of i ‘tikaf (retreat, especially
 in a mosque while fasting for devotion). “... shakhis ...”, v. shakhasa means
 travels from place to another (Mukhtar al-sihah, s.v. v2 -+~“ ). Most scholars
 from all schools are of the same view ascribed to Jabir here. (Cf al-
06Chapter Three
Muwatta’, 1:312-317; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:356—358, and Ibn Abi
Shayba, Musannaf, 2:335).
[135] See [134] above. “... ujiba ‘alayhi ...”, 1 could not find this expression
in many authorities of Arabic. There could be a slip of the pen on the verb
ujiba, for the context and the language of the tradition tend to suggest the
form ujiba ) ‎... عليهwasi — if he is obliged to...), which makes reasonable sense
in the context.
[136] The opinion ascribed here to the Kufans is also the opinion of the
majority of scholars, Ibadis and non-Ibadis, see [15] above. The view of Jabir
mentioned here is not considered within the Ibadi school to the extent that it
is not quoted or even mentioned. Al-Jitali (d. 570/1174—75) for instance
claimed agreement amongst the Ibadis on this issue and ascribed the opinion
of Jabir to al-Hasan (see Qawd ‘id al-Islam, (Muscat, 1992), 2:137, and cf. al-
Muwatta ’, 1:345).
 [137] See [134] and [135] above. Other scholars of the same opinion are al-
Zuhri, Mujahid and ‘Amr b. Dinar, whereas ‘Ali b. Abi Talib permitted the
mu ‘takif to go out of the mosque and practice selling and buying. (See ‘Abd
 al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:361-362).
 (138] For definition of 718 ' see [31] above. According to Ibadis if a period of
 four months passes and the husband keeps his oath, it has the effect of a
 repudiation without any need to pronounce divorce. This is the opinion of Ibn
 ‘Abbas, ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan, Zayd b. Thabit and Ibn Mas‘iid while ‘Ali b. Abi
 Talib, Ibn ‘Umar, ‘A’isha, Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab, Ibrahim and al-Sha‘bi say
 that it takes its effect only when the husband pronounces divorce. (See Ibn
 Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:128, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:509; cf.
 Q: 2:226—-227).
 [139] See [62] above.
 [140] Although the readings of this tradition agree, it seems that either some
 words are not in their correct order or something is missing. This could be
 inferred by referring to tradition [270] below. However, what could be
 perceived from both traditions is that the gamis (long sleeved shirt) of the
 shroud must be under the izar (loincloth). (Cf Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami', 2:438-
 439; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:17).
[141] See [134], [135] and [137] above.
[142] “Al-hamil...”, from many sources, I summarise the meaning of this term
 in the following. First he is any one, mostly a prisoner of war, who is taken
 young from his home land to an Islamic land; or secondly he is any manbidh
Notes on the Edited Text97
(thrown away, renounced) who is claimed a relative by another. Finally this
term is also used for a baby whose mother was pregnant with him when she
Was taken as a prisoner and then he was born in an Islamic territory. (See
 Lisan al-‘arab, 11:181; Ibn Sallam, a/-Ghartb, 1:71-72, and al-Nihaya fi
 Sharib al-hadith, 1:442). Surprisingly this term hamil although used here in
 this tradition ascribed to Jabir b. Zayd has not been used in the later Ibadi figh
 Works to the best of my knowledge. Yet there seem to be profound arguments
 On this issue of the inheritance of the Aamil in non-Ibadi references. (Cf. ‘Abd
 al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 10:299-300, and Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 6:277-
 279), However Ibadis do discuss the case of what they agree to call mawla
 al-ni‘ma and occasionally al-lagit which are similar to the case of the hamil
 mentioned here. (See for example, Rasd'il Jabir b. Zayd, ms, letter no. 17,
 P. 43, and al-Kindi, al-Musannaf,29:284-285,and al-Salimi al-‘Igd al-
 thamin, (1° ed.), 3:284). Another similar discussion can also be found where
 Ibn Baraka talks about the manbuah, in his al-Jami , 2:446—-448.
 [143] Most Ibadi authorities state that any hiba (gift) does not become
 Complete (tamm or ja ‘iz as in this tradition) except through taking possession
 as fully as possible. (See Ibn Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:415—418; Ibn Ja‘far, al-
Jami, 4:343; al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar ', 55-56:359, and al-’ Awtabi, al-Diya’,
 14:108). This obviously contradicts the statement ascribed to Jabir in this
tradition though the rest of the statement regarding the Kufans is extant in
Other sources like ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 9:107—-109; al-Umm,1:261,
4:110.
 [144] «... namariq ...”, pl. of numruqga, a cushion. (See Lisan al- ‘arab,
 10:361). It is clear that the controversy is on using cushions with pictures on
them, tasawir. (Cf. Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 5:207-208, and al-Tahawi,
Sharh ma ‘ani al-athar, (1° ed.), 4:285). Jabir narrates a Prophetic sunna on
this issue. (See Musnad al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, 1:114 (no. 274), and cf. the story
of ‘A’ isha with the Prophet in al-Bukhari, Sahih, no. 1963).
[145] See [141] above.
[146] See [145] above.
[147] The basis of this question is the Qur’an (2:228). There are two famous
arguments comprehended from this tradition. First the menstrual period in
Which the woman is divorced is not counted in her ‘idda. This is not only the
Opinion of Jabir b. Zayd but of the majority of scholars too. (See ‘Abd al-
Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 6:307-309; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:58; Malik b.
Anas, al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 5:422-423). Second, the statement of Jabir
quoted here indicates the Ibadi interpretation of the Qur’anic term guri’ (Q:
2:228) or agra’ as in our tradition (both are pl. of gur’). Scholars of different
08Chapter Three
Muslim schools hold varying views on this word, some (Ibadis and Hanafis)
say it means menstruation while others (M4likis and Shafi ‘is) explain it as the
period of purity after menstruation. (See Abii Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-
Mudawwana al-sughra, 1:229-230; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 6:310,
and al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 2:385—386).
[148] This is one of Jabir’s famous opinions. He strictly holds the view that
the marriage of minors is illegal, and he assumes the marriage of the Prophet
to ‘A’isha as a special case that cannot be imitated. (See Ibn Baraka, al-
Jami‘, 2:123-124; Abi al-Hawari, al-Jami‘, 2:62, and al-Kindi, Bayan al-
shar‘, 47-48:402). The other opinion, that the father has the right to let his
minor daughter get married is the opinion of the majority of scholars. (Cf.
 ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 6:162-164; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:17;
al-Shaybani (Muhammad b. al-Hasan), al-Hujja, 3:143, and al-Umm, 7:155).
 [149] See [2], [31] and [37] above. Although this tradition does not specify
the kaffara in the case of the ama, it is more likely that Jabir b. Zayd uses the
phrase “... kaffarat al-zihar ...” to indicate that there is no difference in the
kaffara even if the wife is an ama. (See Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ‘, 6:398). For more
details on this argument see ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 6:441 where ‘Ata
says that the kaffara is half of that for a free woman; and al-Sha‘bi has not
considered the zihar from an ama. See note [156] below where this opinion is
ascribed to the Kufans.
 [150] See [148] above. Unlike most Muslim schools of jurisprudence, Ibadis
distinctively state that if the husband touches (i.e. has intercourse with) his
wife before he frees himself from his oath, his wife becomes forbidden for
him forever. (See Abi Sa‘id al-Kudamt, al-Jami' al-mufid min ahkam Abi
Sa ‘td, 4:223, and see [31] above.)
 [151] This opinion verifies what has been mentioned earlier; see [77] above,
with regard to the maintenance of a pregnant widow.
 [152] Note that this nafaga (maintenance) mentioned here is different from
 the maintenance of widows. Here a repudiated woman is entitled to main-
 tenance during her ‘idda. However Jabir seems to put this entitlement,
 generally speaking, under the condition of the repudiation not being definite
 “.. hatta yantahiya ilayha talaquh ...” (cf. bn Ja‘far, al-Jami', 6:272; Abi
 Sa‘id al-Kudami, al/-Jami‘ al-mufid min ahkam Abi Sa‘id, 4:277-279). Abt
 Hanifa gives the repudiated woman the right to claim maintenance (which
 comprises food, clothing and lodging) regardless of the sort of the repudia-
 tion. (See al-Jassas 21-1321, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 2:399, and Ibn
 Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:136—-137).
Notes on the Edited Text99
[153] The readings of the manuscript all agree that the womanconcerned is
 the man’s daughter-in-law while all external sources say that it is his mother-
 in-law. However, the judgment in both cases is the same from the Ibadi point
 Of view, based on the statement of Jabir quoted in this tradition. The story of
‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan with the man is repeatedly quoted in Ibadi referen-
 ces. (See for instance, al-Janawuni, Kitab al-nikah, 31-32; Atfayyish, Sharh
 al-nil, 6:37; al-Salimi al-‘Igd al-thamin, (1" ed.), 4:402). Yet I could not find
 any trace of this story in non-Ibadi references. For the judgement and diffe-
 rent opinions on this matter see Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:549-551; ‘Abd
 al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 6:271-273.
 [154] 4/-ramal is jogging around the Ka‘ba. From this opinion of Jabir, it is
 Clear that he does not say that the ramal is an obligation “... lam yara ba’san
 - (he did not see any harm ...)”. Ibn ‘Abbas, Ibn ‘Umar and ‘Ata’ are of this
 Opinion. (Cf. Musnad al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, 1:168; al-Muwatta’, 1:364; Ibn Abt
 Shayba, Musannaf, 3:277).
 [155] See [38] above.
 [156] According to the Qur’an (58:3-4), zihar (see note on [2] above) is
 Mainly if the husband declares that his wife is like his mother’s back. But
jurists from all schools of jurisprudence differ on the case of declaring the
Wife as untouchable as any of his muharramat (or maharim pl. of mahram,
relatives within the forbidden degrees) like daughter, sister, aunt ... etc.
Jabir’s opinion here presents the Ibadr legal view on this issue. (See al-Kindi,
al- Musannaf, 38:149—-150). It is also the opinion of al-Thawri, al-Awza‘t and
approved by Hanafis and Malikis. (Cf. al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf
al- ‘ylama’, 2:484, no.1018, and al-Muwatta’, 2:560).
[157] See [52] above.
[158] The term igran is not used about fingers in such contexts as I have
found. Instead, sources of figh and hadith both talk about tashbik (entwining)
of fingers during salats. (See‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,2:271, and Ibn
Abi Shayba, Musannaf,1:420). For details of the minor doings during the
performance of prayers and the standpoint of Jabir b. Zayd on such doings,
see Abii Ghanim al-Khurasant, al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 1:159-163.
[159] It is agreed that a pilgrim has to circumambulate the Ka‘ba seven times.
Each full circumambulation of seven circuits is called usba‘. Jabir b. Zayd
Preferred for any one wanting to do more than one usbu‘ to do an odd
number of circumambulations. This is the opinion of Ibn ‘Umar, ‘Ata’,
Mujahid and Ibn Sirin whereas ‘A’isha, ‘Amr b. Dinar and Sa‘id b. Jubayr
Say that generally the more the better and there is no preference for an odd
100Chapter Three
number. (Cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq,al-Musannaf,5:499,andIbn AbiShayba,
Musannaf, 3:407-408).
[160] “... fawaf ...” is circumambulationconsisting of seven circuits. Jabir
chooses that after each usbii‘ (see [159] above) there should be a prayer of
two rak‘as. (See Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami‘, 3:293). Opposite to this is the opinion
of ‘A’isha which permits to make all the usba's first and then perform their
prayers. (See [bn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 3:347-348).
[161] There is an agreement within the Ibadi school of jurisprudence on this
matter based on the view of Jabir b. Zayd which is also ascribed to his great
teacher Ibn ‘Abbas. (See Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:277, and al-Kindi, Bayan al-
shar‘, 55-56:64). Yet there are other opinions on this issue of slaves applying
talaq, to the extent that 58:10 b. Jubayr says when somebody told him about
Jabir’s opinion, “kadhaba Jabir ... Jabir lied”. (See‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Mu-
sannaf, 7:238-240). A good discussion on this argument is to be found in al-
 Umm, 5:257, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 4:183.
 [162] For definition of khul’ or mukhdla‘a see the note on [7]. above.
Regarding nafaga (maintenance) of woman repudiated by khul'. (See Ibn
Baraka, al-Jami‘, 2:191). Ibn Ja‘far summarises the legal opinion of the
Ibadiyya on this issue with a similar statement but he adds an exception of a
pregnantwoman(al-Jami’,6:345,andcf. ‘Abdal-Razzaq,al-Musannaf,
6:507-508, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 5:474).
[163] For definition of mafgiid see [35] above. For details, opinions and
 evidence of the period the wife of a mafqiid should wait, see Ibn Ja‘far al-
Jami‘, 6:408; al-Muwatta’, 2:575; Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 3:521, and
 ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:85-89.
 [164]See[154] above.Similarstatementsare attributed to ‘A’isha,Ibn
 ‘Umar, Ibn ‘Abbas, al-Hasan, ‘Ata’ and Ibrahim.(SeeIbn AbtShayba,
 Musannaf, 3:150—152, and al-Umm, 2:211).
 [165] See [163] above. /bid.
 [166] Again this is a repetition of [165] with more detail about the opinion of
 the Kufans on the same issue. (Cf. al-Jassas al-Razi (d. 370/980), Mukhtasar
 ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, of al-Tahawi, 2:329—-331).
 [167] Although there are detailed discussions on the issue of ramy al-Jimar
 (throwing pebbles at the pillars of Satan) in many sources, the phrase “...
 awwalan wa akhiran ...” is ambiguous. It could mean the timing of this rite or
 the way by which it is carried out, or it could even refer to the order of
 throwing at the three jamarat (pillars of Satan). However, the legal opinion
Notes on the Edited Text101
ascribed here to Jabir b. Zayd is something that fugaha’ do discuss concer-
ning certain wrong acts and doings with regard to this particular rite. (See for
example, Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami', 3:360-366; al-Muwatta’, 1:406—408; al-Shay-
bani, al-Mabsut, 2:429; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:397, and al-Mudaw-
wana al-kubra, 2:419-422).
[168] Note [123] above.
[169] From the five Qur’anic quotations in this book, this is the only tradition
With a mere fafsir, i.e. it is not used to prove another legal case but just
Showing Jabir’s interpretation of the verse. This interpretation of Jabir is
quotedin manyIbadi references such as al-Kindi, Bayanal-shar’‘, 21:216.
For more details see al-Qurtub!, 7afsir, 2:405, and al-Tabari, Tafsir, 2:257,
Where it is clear that this is the opinion of the majority of Muslimscholars.
See also [15] and [136] above.
[170] This tradition is a perfect example of depending on ra’y (opinion) when
 there is no textual evidence. Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:43 ascribes the opinion
 Of Jabir to “ashabind ... (our fellows in madhhab)” although Ibn Ja’‘far, al-
 Jami‘, 3:446 mentions this opinion along with others without stating that it is
 the opinion of the madhhab. The other standpoint however is adopted by the
 Hanafis — note that it is ascribed to the Kufans in the book. (See al-Shaybant,
 al-Mabsiit, 3:181—183, and cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 8:450-452, and
 Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:93).
 [171] Abundant discussion on the legality of consuming cheese is to be found
 In “Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:538-541; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
 5:129-132, and al-Qurtubt; Tafsir, 2:221.
 [172] This tradition brings together most of the details that are discussed
about mukatabin [55], [57], [80], [104], [105],[119], [122],[124],[125],
 [126], [128], [129] and [130-132]. (See Aba Ghanimal-Khurasani, ai-
Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:193).
[173] See [7] and [162] above. The opinion of Jabir b. Zayd that khul‘ is
Cancellation and not repudiation is the opinion ascribed to him, though not
approvedin Ibadi sources like Ibn Baraka, al-Jami’, 2:196; Ibn Ja‘far, al-
Jami ‘, 6:345-347. But other non-Ibadi sources ascribed to Jabir the opposite.
(See YahyaMuhammadBakkiish,Fighal-imam Jabir b. Zayd (1986),
Pp. 446).
[174] See [109] and [110] above. Cf Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-Mudaw-
wana al-kubra, 2:191, and Ibn Baraka, al-Jami'‘, 2:243; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
Musannaf, 9:138, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 8:306.
102Chapter Three
[175] Although this opinion of Jabir b. Zayd is the opinion of most scholars
from all schools of jurisprudence, there is a narration that Jabir himself has
limited the allowance of doing jam‘ prayer to Muzdalifa and ‘Arafa (places at
Mecca where special rites take place when doing hajj). (See al-‘Ayni, ‘Umdat
al-qgari, 7:150).
[176] For definition of tamattu‘ see [16] above. The question of what are the
preferable nusuk (hajj rituals) is a famous argument amongst fugaha’ from
the early time of Islamic legislation. Jabir’s opinion is also quoted and
ascribed to him in non-Ibadi sources like Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni (1972),
3:494. (Cf. al-Jassas al-RAzi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama@’, 2:103).
[177] The pilgrim when doing the circumambulation around the Ka ‘ba has to
include the hijr (for definition of al-hijr see [42] above) in his fawaf or
otherwise his fawaf is considered baril (invalid). (See Ibn Ja‘far; al-Jami ,
3:292; al-Jitali, Qawa ‘id al-Islam, 2:155; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 5:56;
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:252, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:397).
 [178] This opinion of Jabir b. Zayd is the same as many authorities like Ibn
 ‘Abbas, Ibn ‘Umar, al-Hasan,Ibrahim, al-Sha‘bt, Mujahid and Tawis.(See
 ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:121; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:508-509,
andal-Mudawwanaal-kubra,6:115).Onthe otherhand thereis another
opinion that directing gadhf against children of spouses involved in /i an (see
 [1] above) is a shubha (doubtful matter). That, according to this view, avoids
the applicability of add (see [26] and [28] above). (Cf. al-Kindi; al/-Musan-
 naf, 40:99).
 [179] See references cited on [69] and [73] above.
 [180] See [25], [63] and [106] above.
 [181] This issue is a point of disagreement from the time of the Companions.
 Jabir is following [bn ‘Umar’s opinion, as did many of his contemporaries
 such as al-Hasan, Sa‘id b. Jubayr, ‘Ata’ and Tawis. The other opinion which
 says that the pilgrim has to do fawafand say for each ritual (hajj and ‘umra)
 is ascribed to ‘Ali, Ibn Mas‘id, al-Sha'bi and Hammad. (See Ibn Abi Shayba,
 Musannaf, 3:291-293).
 [182] It is noticeable that the terms used in this tradition are precise and
 decisive: “... fa-wasalaha ‘inda dukhilihi bi-ghulamin ma ‘riifin bi-‘aynihi fa
 wahabahu lahd ...” to indicate that this is a hiba (see [143] above) and not
 part of the dowry and that it is determined and not mushd‘ Goint ownership)
 as there are disagreementsbetween fugahd’on all these conditions.See
 references cited on [182] above. (Cf al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 34:48—51.)
Notes on the Edited Text103
[183] See [97] above. Note that there does not seem to be any difference
between the opinion ascribed to the Kufans and that of Jabir b. Zayd. They
both makethe marriagecompleteif there are witnesses,cf. [89]and[90]
above.
[184] This tradition is identical to tradition [96] commented on earlier.
[185] Making footwear of donkey’s skin is rarely mentioned in most autho-
rities. However, there is a tradition in al-Muwatta ’, 2:916 that Prophet Moses
 was wearing shoes made of donkey’s skin when he was called by God (O
Miisa (Moses). Verily, I am your Lord! So take off your shoes; you are in the
 Sacred valley, Tuwa) (Q: 20:11-12). (See Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid,
 4:167-169).
[186] See [13] above. The opinion of Jabir is that of Ibn “Umar, ‘Umar b.
‘Abd al-‘ Aziz, ‘Ata’ and Ibrahim al-Nakha'l. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musan-
 naf, 2:399). Imam Malik says the opposite according to al-Mudawwana al-
 kubra, 2:355, and that is why al-Shaybani ascribes this latter view to ahi al-
Madina (al-Hujja, 1:524).
 [187]“ ... yasta’miru-ha ...” meansask her permission.Andnote the term
 mudrikawhichis emphasizedas a reminderof Jabir’s standpoint of the
 legality of the marriage of minors, see [148] above. (See Schacht, Intro-
 duction, 161-162, and Aba Ghanim al-Khurasant, a/-Mudawwana al-kubra,
 2:15),
 [188] See sources cited on [144] above.
 [189] This opinion of Jabir is based on what has been explained earlier on
traditions [12] and [15].
 [190] I could not find a specific statement of Jabir on animals killed by
women of ahi al-kitab (Jews and Christians) except what Ibn Ja‘far ascribes
to him on animals killed by the people of scripture (al-Jami ‘, 3:578), which is
Commonly discussed in most fafsir and _figh references of all Muslim schools
of jurisprudence based on the Qur’an (Q: 5:5). (Cf. al-Mudawwana al-kubra,
3:67).
[191] Detailed argument on this issue is to be found in Jitalt (d.750/1349),
Qawa ‘id al-Islam,2:104;al-Qaffalal-Shashi,Hilyatal-‘ulama’,3:176.
Jabir’sopinionis alsoquotedin Ibn Qudama,al-Mughni,3:72,andit is
perfectly consistent with his opinion mentioned here in tradition [29] above.
[192] See similar argument in [27] and [E2] above. (Cf‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
Musannaf, 7:129).
104Chapter Three
[193]“... kKadhdhabanafsahu...’ bywithdrawinghis falseaccusationof
unchastity after the /i‘an (see [1] above). The majority of Ibadi scholars
approved the same opinion of Jabir b. Zayd mentioned in this tradition. (See
Abit Ghanim al-Khurasani, al/-Mudawwana al-sughra, 2:276). However,
there seems to be another, Ibadi, point of view similar to that ascribed to the
Kufans here. (See al-Kindi, al/-Musannaf, 40:107, 110, 121.) This latter
opinion is also ascribed to the Hanafis. (See al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar
ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 2:506 (1051), and al-Shaybani, al-Mabsiit, 7:54). Malikis
and Shafi‘is are of the first opinion, al-Shaybant, op. cit., and Ibn ‘Abd al-
Barr, al-Tamhid, 15:38—-40. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:19-21).
[194] See [55], [57] and [68] above.
[195] This tradition is of the same line of arguments commented on earlier on
[55], [80], [104], [105], [119], [122], [124], [125], [126], [129] and [130].
[196] The previous traditions on a mu ‘takif, except [146], talk about his legal
status and actions he should avoid, but this tradition discusses the place (a
mosque) at which the mu ‘takif devotes himself. There seems to be something
missing from this tradition because all fugahda’ agree that i'‘tikaf may take
place in a roofed mosque, and their disagreement is on whether it can take
place in an unroofed mosque. So it is difficult to think that Jabir would say
that “there is no harm” on an issue of agreement. This is supported by what
Ibn Hazm discusses in his Muhalla, 5:193. Also most scholars when talking
about the places to which the mu ‘takif is allowed or not allowed to enter do
talk about the prohibition of entering roofed homes (not mosques). (See Ibn
Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 3:553-554 where he quotes one of Jabir’s students named
Hayyan. See also Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:336).
[197] See [bn Ja‘far, al-Jami’, 3:403 for an exact quotation of Jabir’s state-
ment. The issue of animals killed by non-Arab Muslims (who cannot say the
dhikr — mention the name of God — in Arabic) is discussed in many sources.
(See for example what is ascribed to Tawiis in ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,
4:484).
 [198]Eatinghorses, workhorsesandmulesis an areaof greatdispute
amongst Muslim scholars. The statement of Jabir described here is relied on
in Ibadi figh. (See for instance Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Kindt, Bayan al-
shar ‘, 27:139, and Atfayyish, Sharh al-nil, 4:431). For detailed discussion on
this issue, see ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:526—527, and Ibn Abt Shayba,
Musannaf, 5:120—122. To summarise their argument: Abii Hantfa, Malik and
al-Awza‘i say that horses are forbidden, whereas al-Shafi'i and the sahiban
of Abi Hanifa (Abi Yiisuf and Muhammad) say the opposite. (See al-Jassas
al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama ’, 3:216).
Notes on the Edited Text105
{199} Similar arguments are commented on earlier, see [62] and [139] above.
[200] For the times at which salat al-mayyit (funeral prayer, see [252] below
for details of this prayer) can be performed, see Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
2:485-487: ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 3:519-524.
[201] See [5], [22] and [44] above. This tradition is the first to contain a
Phrase that could refer to the transmitter of the book. He says after quoting
the opinion of the Kufans “wa huwa gawlund (it is our saying)”. See Chapter
IV, pp. 129-131 of this study.
[202] “Ghaba ...” here is used for any missing person (and not in apparently
 disastrous circumstances) (cf. mafgid [35] above). Jabir’s opinion is referred
 to in many early Ibadi sources such as Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 4:182 (note the
 verb Q2at4 is mistakenly written ola4). The issue of the maintenance of the
 Wife when her husband is missing is thoroughly discussed in many referen-
 Ces. (See, for example, Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:170-172, and al-Umm,
 5:89, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 4:262).
 [203] See note [55] above and compare with [72].
 [204] Again this presents another branch of the main general principle that
 the mukatab is a free person from the time contract is signed; see references
 Cited earlier for similar arguments ((57], [104], [119], [122], [124], [126],
 [130], [203] and [287]).
 [205] See [204] above. (Cf. Abi Ghanim al-Khurasant, a/-Mudawwana al-
sughrd, 1:379; al-kubra, 2:210).
 [206] The term ‘amd (deliberate intent) plays a significant role in this tradi-
tion;it excludesshibh al-‘amd(quasi-deliberateintent)andal-khata’
(mistake). The slave is subject to retaliation for homicide or instead the
awliya’ (pl. of wali the next of kin who has the right to demand retaliation)
may choose blood money. There is no disagreement on the permissibility of
these two options, Q: 2:178. The disagreement, however, is on the awliya’
taking over the ownership of the culprit from his or her own master. Jabir, al-
Hasan, Qatada, ‘Ata’ and al-Sha‘bi allow it while Ibrahim says that they are
not entitled to possess him or her but must either retaliate or choose‘afw
(pardon) and take the diya (see [204]above). (See‘Abd al-Razzaq, ai-
Musannaf,9:483;Ibn Abi Shayba,Musannaf,5:384-385,and Atfayyish,
Sharh al-nil, 15:243).
[207] For definition of “al-mu‘tag ‘an dubur’ see [109] above. For the
argument mentioned in this tradition, see references cited on [174] above.
106Chapter Three
(Cf. al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 5:207 (2305), and Abu
Sa Id al-Kudam1, a/-Jami' al-mufid min ahkam Abi Sa ‘id, 5:279).
[208] “A/- ‘agila’” consists of one’s male relatives. They are responsible for
the payment of the diya if the homicide is committed by khata’ or, according
to some, shibh al-‘amd. Yet the ‘dqila are not responsible if the culprit is 4
slave (mudabbar, ‘abd, umm walad) according to many scholars such as Jabir
b. Zayd, Ibrahim al-Nakha‘t, ‘Ata’, al-Zuhri and others. (See Ibn Abt Shayba,
Musannaf,5:405; al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 40:182).However,ImamMalik
and Ibn Abi Layla interpret the tradition that if the culprit is a free person and
kills a slave (by khata’). (See al-Muwatta’, 2:866). “... ta‘gil ... ‘ala” the verb
 ‘agala in this context means to pay the blood money on behalf of the culprit
(subject to conditions, some of which are mentioned above) but it has never
been used with ‘a/a. Here is what most references say:
 غارلمقتيعلنهأعجطنىايتدهيتهوذلوكعقإذال للهزمدتمه فدلياةن فإذأاداهتاركعنهالقفوهذدا للهدوية اولعفرققلبيعننieفلان‏
. عنه وباب الكل ضربie 5 4) ie 5 alee‏
 (See Mukhtar al-sihah, \:187; Lisdn al- ‘arab, 11:460). Yet all readings of the
 manuscript agree on ‘ala. This, if not a slip of the pen on all the copies of the
 book, is worth more attention and deserves analysis from a linguistic point of
 view in addition to its legal implications. External sources indicate what has
 been described at the beginning of this tradition.
 [209] Based on the rule mentioned earlier (note [55] above), the Ibadis, Ibn
 Abi Layla and Ahmad b. Hanbal consider a shared slave (joint property) free
 if one owner manumits his share by means of muka@taba. (See Ibn Jafar, al-
Jami ‘, 6:29, and al-Marwazi, Muhammad b. Nasr, [khtilaf al-‘ulama’, 1:229).
 But most scholars of other Muslim schools consider such an act from one
 owner without permission from the other illegal. (See al-Shaybani, al-
 Mabsitt, 3:493, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 7:179). The last sentences of
 this tradition “wa in gabadahd fi hayat ...” does not seem plausible; the verb
 gabad, though all readings of the manuscript agree, makes no sense. The
 direction of this opinion tends to make the mukataba subject to permission
 from the other owner. Thus if he or she disapproves it, it is illegal; and if he
 or she approves the act of his company it becomes complete. This leads me to
 suggest that the relevant verb required to give this meaning is gabil and not
 gabad so the sentence will read: “wa in qabilahda fi hayGt ...3> 54 \¢h ols”.
[210] See references cited on [209] above.
[211] Salat al-safar (travel prayer) is one of the key issues that differentiate
 the Ibadiyya as a madhhabfrom other Muslimschools.Moredetails are
Notes on the Edited Text107
given in Ch. IV, pp. 154-156 below. It is true that they all agree that a
musafir (traveller) should shorten the sa/at but there is a great controversy on
the distance at which he or she starts gasr (shortening) the prayer and for how
long a traveller can remain performing gasr prayer. This tradition presents
Jabir’s, and therefore the Ibadi view on the latter question. It makes no
 Consideration about the period of time involved as long as he or she has not
 returnedto his or her home town. (See Abi Ghanim al-Khurdsani, al-
 Mudawwana al-sughra, 1:77-80; al-Mudawwana al-kubrda, 1:172; al-Muwat-
 fa’, 1:145; Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 2:203-205, and al-Umm, 7:187, and
 al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 1:122). A good summary of different views on this
 Issue can be found in al-Jassas al-Razt, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 1:359-
 360 where it can be easily seen that the Ibadi standpoint is unique amongst
 living Muslim schools although it has been ascribed to the sunna and some of
 theCompanions.(SeeIbnQayyimal-Jawziyya, Zadal-ma‘ad,(1991),
 3:561-565). Also Ibn Taymiyya who is a distinguished Hanbali scholar, has
 approved it in his fatwas. (See Majmii‘ fatawa shaykh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyya,
 24:18, 136-137).
 [212] This is the first tradition transmitted through Tamim b. Huways, for
 biography of whom see Ennami (ed.), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, p. 113-114, and
al-Dhahabi, Tarikh al-Islam, 5:50. For the argument see [211] above.
 [213], [214] “... yabi‘u min ...”, this verb used in both traditions means ‘to
buy’ rather than ‘to sell’ as the verb bd‘ is of the addad (verbs equally giving
two contradictory meanings). (See Lisdan al- ‘arab, 8:23). The two traditions
are discussing similar transactions except that the price is paid immediately
in the first and is delayed in the latter. These transactions are discussed in
detail under the so called al- ‘ina or bay’ al- ‘ina. (See Schacht, /ntroduction,
79, 153; al-Muwatta’, 2:640-642, 675; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 8:186-
 188; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:282-284, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra,
9:89, 131).
[215] See references and sources cited on [55] and [209] above.
[216] With addition to sources cited on [193] above, see Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami ‘,
6:58, wherethere is an opinionascribed to Dumam(whois of course the
transmitter of our book) contradicting Jabir’s and actually the majority of
Ibadis’ opinion on this issue. (Cf. Ibn Baraka, al-Jami ‘, 2:531).
[217] This issue has been commented on earlier, see [98] above.
[218] See [134], [137], [141] and [196] above.
[219] See references cited on [136] and [189] above.
108Chapter Three
[220] The basis of this tradition is the same as that of tradition [1] above. See
references cited there and on [70], [193] and [216] above. (Cf. al-Jassas al-
Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, of al-Tahawi, 2:512).
[221] For definition of i/a@’ see [31] and [138] above. Regarding the details of
the issue of slaves repudiating their wives with i/a’, see al-Kindt, al-Musan-
naf, 38:164; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:283, and Ibn AbiShayba,
Musannaf, 4:135. Cf. the argument discussed earlier on [161] above.
[222] Most Muslim scholars are of the same opinion as that of Jabir mentio-
ned here. The only tradition, regardless of its authenticity, indicating a diffe-
rent opinion is ascribed to Abii al-Mulayh. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
2:375, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:292). However, the [badis’ statements
are identical to that ascribed here to Jabir b. Zayd. (See, for example, Abu
Ghanim al-Khurasant, al-Mudawwana al-sughra, 1:151-152).
[223]For definition of sadagqat al-fitr see [13] above, and for the argument
see references cited on [186] earlier. The opinion of the Kufans mentioned
here is ascribed to Abi Hurayra in Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:423, and it
is explicitly ascribed to Imam Abi Hanifa in Hanafi sources like al-Jassas al-
Raz, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 1:474 (no. 465). Jabir’s opinion here
does not state how much each owner should pay for their slave: either it 1s
according to their shares, as ascribed to Imams Malik and al-Shafi‘l (ibid.) or
this does not matter and what matters most is the payment of sadaqat al-fitr
by any means.
 [224] See references and sources cited on [220] above. It is not clear to whom
the sentence (wa Ida adri aya tala'‘anani am yujlad, ana ashukku fi dhalika —
and I do not know should they take oaths of /i ‘an or should he be punished, |
 have doubt about that) refers. It could be Jabir’s being indecisive on this
 issue, or that a transmitter of the tradition was not certain about the exact
 statement of Jabir. External sources add no information. Early Ibadi scholars
 differed on this issue. (See al-Kindi, a/-Musannaf, 40:108—109, and al-Jassas
 al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al- ulama , 2:514).
 [225] See references cited on [77] and [151] above.
 [226] “... yatrahu ...‘an” means to take off his garment and “yatawashshahu
 bihi’” means to put it around his shoulder and his waist. There is disagreement
 on doing so for a muhrim. For opinions of scholars and evidence, see Ibn Abi
 Shayba,Musannaf,3:441;al-Umm,2:150, andal-Mudawwanaal-kubra,
 2:461.
 [227] Scholars have discussed the conditions of a mosque in which i tikaf can
 take place (see [134] above). Some scholars specify the three sacred mosques
Notes on the Edited Text109
al-masjid al-haram of Mecca, al-masjid al-nabawi of Madina and al-masjid
al-aqsd of Jerusalem; others extend it to all mosques where Friday prayer 1s
Performed; while the majority, like Jabir b. Zayd, allow it to be performed in
all mosques. (See for details al-Muwatta’, 1:313; Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf,
2:337; al-Shaybant, al-Mabsat, 2:269-270, and al-Umm, 2:205).
[228] This tradition is a very strange one, because it contradicts a Prophetic
hadith transmitted by Jabir b. Zayd on the prohibition of wearing a gamis
(shirt) for the muhrim (Musnad al-Rabi' b. Habib,104, no. 406) and by Nafi'
On the authority of Ibn ‘Umar (al-Muwatta’, 1:324; Sahih al-Bukhari, 2:559;
SahthMuslim,2:835).Theearly twentiethcenturyIbadi scholar al-Salimt
quotes ‘lyad (probably al-Qadi) claiming consensus on this prohibition. (See
 Sharhal-jami‘ al-sahih, 2:182).Thesituation with gabd1s less strange,
 because there is a disagreement on the muhrim putting on the gabd . Yet for
 Us to understand what different opinions there are and why it is an issue of
 Controversy, we need to understand what the gabda’ really is. Arabic
 dictionaries do not provide much information about it; they talk about
 Something seems to be well known at that time to the extent that we find in
 Mukhtar al-sihah,‎م. :812 “al-gaba’, alladhi yulbas — is what is worn’), the
 Same ‘explanation’ is in Lisdn al- ‘arab, 5:72. Of course this does not help us
 much to determine exactly what are they talking about although theoretically
 it could be useful to refer to sources that discuss this issue like Ibn Abi
 Shayba,Musannaf,3:449; al-Kindi, al-Musannaf,8:136—137;al-Shaybani,
 al-Mabsit, 2:480, and al-Umm, 2:150.
 [229] For the opinions of Ibadi scholars and their implementations of Jabir’s
View, see Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami ‘, 6:251—252, and al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 33:90-
93. For more details of the standpoints of other Muslim schools, see al-Jassas
al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 2:335-338 (no. 831), and al-Mudaw-
wana al-kubra, 4:235-236.
[230] Along with references cited on [52] above, see al-Kindi, Bayan al-
Shar‘, 45-46:266;Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘,6:12-13,al-Qurtubi,Tafsir, 5:6.
“Shigsan.... A shigs is a share of something (Lisan al-‘arab, 7:48). From
these sources it seems that there is an agreement that a mother becomes free
if owned (or partly owned) by her child. (Cf ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,
9:183, and Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:276—277). The disagreement how-
Ever is on other mahrams (see [156] above).
[231] See [1] and [224] above.
[232] Li‘an (see note on [1] above) can also be a process of contesting the
paternity of a child, but only if the father has never admitted it even for a
moment.If he does, so the child is his, and he cannot use /i‘an for this
110Chapter Three
purpose according to many scholars like ‘Umar, ‘Alt, Jabir b. Zayd, al-Hasan,
al-Sha‘bi, Ibrahim and Hammad, and unlike Mujahid who says the opposite.
(See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:39-40; al-Umm, 5:296, and al-Jassas al-
Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 2:511-512).
[233] This is so because the /i‘an was not to negate his paternity of the child
(see comment and references cited on [232] above). (Cf. al-Kindt, al-Musan-
naf, 40:116—118).
[234] See references cited on [221] above. Most scholars, however, do not
state explicitly that an ‘abd cannot take all the options of the kaffara of zihar
(see [2] above). Their statements are all about fasting. (See for instance al-
Muwatta’,2:561,and al-Mudawwanaal-kubra,6:59, wherea statement
ascribed to Ibn Sirin is identical to that of Jabir mentioned here).
[235] “Nathra ...” is the steamy discharge from the nose. This issue is rarely
discussed amongst fugaha’ and [ could not find any trace of a similar of
parallel tradition or opinion. They do, however discuss the saliva of animals,
their perspiration and the sur ([41] above) of animals. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba,
Musannaf, 1:131).
 [236] The right of women to act as witnesses has always been an issue of
dispute between Muslim schools of law. The Ibadis, based on Jabir’s
standpoint, accept the evidence of women as valid concerning matters of
which women have a special knowledge (such as birth, rada ‘, see [49] above,
virginity, etc.) and concerning matters of penal law (punishments and retalia-
tion) except adultery. (See Abii Ghanim al-Khurasani, a/-Mudawwana al-
kubra, 2:230, and Ibn Ja'far; al-Jami', 4:21). The other opinion ascribed here
to the Kufans is actually that of the Hanafis. (See al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukh-
tasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama@’, 3:345). It is also ascribed to al-Hasan, Ibrahim,
Hammad and others. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:533). There are other
significant views on this matter. (Cf. al-Umm, 7:84—88; al-Mudawwana al-
kubra, 6:44—46, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 8:330-333).
 [237] This tradition is the first to be transmitted on the authority of Abi
 ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karima, and it is one of two traditions in the book on
which the older student and essential transmitter of Jabir b. Zayd in this book,
 Dumam, is reporting a younger, though not less significant figure, Muslim b.
Abi Karima. For the question itself, see sources cited on [39] and [40] above.
 [238] “Nabidh al-jarr” is an alcoholic drink prepared in clay jars sealed with
 pitch. The question of this kind of drink seems to have been very proble-
 matic, either because it is not clear what is really meant by this and similar
 drink, or there are other traditions that allow it. One can even infer this from
Notes on the Edited Text111
the insistence of the questioner and his repetition of the question about this
drink and equally from the reply of Jabir to the man where it is the first and
the only place in our book he uses the term haram (forbidden). There is an
Interesting story quoted in al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar ’, 27:188:
 رحمه الله-روى لنا محمد بن محبوب عن أبي صفرة عن والده محبوب
elds oF أن جابر بن زيد دخل على رجل من المسلمين يقال له أبو فقاس ‏-
 ما أنكرت منه يا: فقال له. باعد عنا هذا النبيذ:إليه النبيذء فقال أبو الشعثاء
LAM ولا أرى ‏. أراه شديد السواد:أبا الشعثاء فقد كنت تشربه عندي؟ فقال
 أما شدة السواد فإني كنت أعصره ولا أطبخه ثم إني: فقال.يعيف عليه
 وأما الذباب فذلك حين أرخيت الستر: فقال62 gual‏طبخته فصار في السقاء
ده ا ما
:زال
 هات الآن» فأعطاه؛ء فق: فقال جابر.بىيذفوقع الاذبلابنعل
.الطبيخ إلا خيراء وشرب منه جابر
(See al-Fadl b. al-Hawari, al-Jami‘, 3:227;‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,
9:202-205; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:85-88; al-Umm, 6:179, and Ibn
Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 3:226-227).
[239]Thistradition affirmsthe highstatus of scholarshipandIslamic
Knowledge Jabir achieved in the society at that time. People knew him for
that and did raise questions in different subjects to him as the case in this
tradition we have. The masjid al-jami‘ ‘grand mosque’ is probably at Basra,
Where both Jabir and Abi Nih spent most of their lives although neither the
text nor external sources provide information about this mosque. The ques-
ton itself might sound a normal one, but actually it is not. There is a contro-
versy on the meaningof the verse Q: 33:55 Jabir quoted to the questioner.
 The verse reads (It is no sin on them (Prophet’s wives) if they appear before
 their fathers, or their sons, or their brothers ... etc). It says nothing about how
 to appear before those mentioned in this verse. Jabir’s opinion is that it means
 to appear without ji/bab (gown or loose garment) while others such as Qatada
 Say that it means to appear unveiled. (See al-Tabari, Tafsir, 22:41—42).
 [240] This is the opinion of the majority of Muslim scholars. Some however,
have distinguished between revocable repudiation and definite repudiation.
(See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 6:211—212; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
3:525, and Muhammad b. Nasr al-Marwazi, [khtilaf al-‘ulama’, (2"4 ed.,
 1986), 1:135).
ee
8Abi Fiqas al-Aswad b. Qays, a friend of Jabir b. Zayd used to accompany him to hajj
(cf. al-Shammakhi, al-Siyar, 1:89).
112Chapter Three
[241]Thesameopinionis ascribed to Ibn Mas‘id,Ibn‘Umarand‘Ali,
whereas the permission is recognised by ‘Uthman, Mu‘awiya and by Mu-
hammad b. al-Hanafiyya. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:482).
[242] Jabir here insists on a principle thoroughly described by many scholars
as a fundamental rule in Islamic law of contract. The object of the contract, in
particular, must be explicit (ma ‘lam, ‘known’), especially as regards objects
which can be measured or weighed (Schacht, /ntroduction, 147). (Cf. Abi
Ghanim al-Khurasant, al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:116, 118; ‘Abd al-Razzaq;
al-Musannaf, 8:40, 131; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:275, 528; al-Shaybanl,
Muhammad b. al-Hasan, al-Hujja, 2:696, and for an opposite view see al-
Muwatta ’, 2:675, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 9:136).
[243] This tradition although dealing with a very normalissue, presents
another good example of the authority of Jabir b. Zayd among his followers
and their eagerness to consult him in all matters. See Ch. IV, p. 157-159.
 [244] Salaf or salam is a contract of delivery with prepayment, see Abu
Ghanim al-Khurasant, al-Mudawwana al-kubrad, 2:120-122 where he states
that this view of Jabir is also that of Ibn ‘Abbas, although al-Rabi‘, Jabir’s
student, does not approve of this view. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
4:269, and al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 9:39).
 [245] This opinion of Jabir is quoted by al-Salimt, Ma ‘arij al-amal, 11:131 as
a proof that fakbir is not obligatory at ayyam al-tashrig (eleventh, twelfth and
thirteenth of Dhi al-hijja). For more details see al-Muwatta’, 1:404; Ibn Abi
 Shayba, Musannaf, 2:7.
 [246] “Al-muzayada” is rarely used in such context. What the fugaha’ do
 discuss is the interpretation of Q: 2:197 (... so whosoever intends to perform
hajj (by assuming ihram) should abandon rafath (sexual relations with his
 wife), fusiig (sin) and jidal (unjust dispute) during the hajj ...). Also in other
 sources that describe Jabir’s character and manners we find that “he used not
 to dispute or argue on three occasions: on the fee for transport to Mecca, on
 buying a slave for manumission and on the animal for sacrifice” (see Abu
 Nu‘aym, Hilyat al-awliya ’, 3:85).
 [247] See references cited on [82], [83] and [99] above.
 [248] See analysis of this tradition in Ch. I, p. 17-18 of this study.
 [249] “... ma‘aka ...” is to rub down (Mukhtar al-sihah, 1:262). For different
 views on the impurity of lice if killed or rubbed down, see Ibn Ja‘far, al-
 Jami ‘, 1:300, 404, 5:354; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,1:449; al-Umm,1:5,
 and Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 1:338.
Notes on the Edited Text113
[250] This issue is one of the real controversial issues in Islamic penal law.
The Ibadis, or at least most of them, recognise Jabir’s opinion that it is the
Intention which counts in a crime of homicide, not the tool used, unless there
IS a claim from the culprit that he has no intention to commit homicide. (See
Abi: Sa‘id al-Kudamt, al-Jami‘ al-mufid min ahkam Abi Sa ‘id, 5:298).
Identical statements to that ascribed here to the Kufans are also reported from
[brahim, al-Hasan and al-Sha‘bi. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:432, and
al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 5:85-91).
[251] From the tradition itself, it is obvious that there is a disagreement
 betweenscholarswithin oneschool,let alone of different schools.Ibadi
 Sources for instance record a different opinion of Jabir on this matter from the
 One ascribed to him here. It is the view that older relatives can testify for their
 offspring but not for their favour in matters involving money. (See Ibn Ja‘ far,
 al-Jami ‘, 4:34-35). Note that the opinion ascribed to Hayyan (Ch. IV, p. 145
 for biography) here is actually the view of Imam Malik (al-Mudawwana al-
 kubra, 13:155-156).
 [252] Early Ibadi sources quote this description of funeral prayer. (See for
 ©Xample, Abi Sa‘id al-Kudami, al-Jami‘ al-mufid min ahkam Abi Sa ‘id,
 1:286; Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 2:455. Cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 3:486—
 490, and Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:488-490).
 [253] See for similar argument sources cited on [110] above. This storyis
€xtant in Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ‘, 3:403 with minor changes. Hayy4n al-‘ Amiri is
Written “al-Ghafirl” and instead of “al-Sibakh” it reads “al-Siyah”. (For
Hayyan, see Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, (1* ed., 1984), 3:60, 9:153, and
Yaqital-Hamawi,Mu jamal-buldan,2:187).Neither referenceprovides
Information regarding his family name. If we turn to Ibadi sources, again not
much is available. Al-Shammakhi mentions in a list of unknown transmitters
Of Jabir that al-Rabi' depends on a man named Hassan al-‘ Amiri (al-Siyar,
 1:111). “Al-Sibakh” appears to be for al-Sibakh, which is a name of a place
Or a marketin Basraat that time accordingto al-Qamiusal-muhit,p. 323
(under au ).
[254] There are abundant traditions and records that Jabir b. Zayd was very
keen always to attend F riday prayer even with those whom he considered as
Corrupt and unjust governors. This is obvious in this tradition from the
reaction of the questioner, Dumam, when he asked him with embarrassment
“a-khalfa al-Hajjaj?”. Jabir’s persistence on attending Friday prayer and his
€ncouragement to his followers and colleagues is observed from its tactical
aims by most writers. (See for example, Rasa ’il Jabir b. Zayd, ms, letter no.3
(addressed to Tarif b. Khulayd), p. 9; Kashif, al-Siyar wa al-jawabat — Sirat
 114Chapter Three
Mahbib b. al-Ruhayl ila ahl Hadramawt, 1:291—292, 309, 2:139; Ibn Ja‘ far,
al-Jami ', 2:305, 396, 401, 406, and al-Kind1, Bayan al-shar , 15:71).
 [255] The question of paying zakat out of properties owned by minors has
long been an issue of investigation. Jabir is quoted in many references, Ibadi
and Sunni, saying that zakat must be taken from minors. (See for example
Abii ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karima, Risdla fi al-zakat, p. 24; al-Kindi,
Bayanal-shar‘,17:69, and Ibn Qudama,al-Mughni,2:493). This is the
opinion of ‘Umar, ‘Ali, ‘A’isha, Ibn Sirin, ‘Ata’, Mujahid, Malik and al-
 Shafi'l; whereas the opinion ascribed here to the Kufans is approved by al-
 Hasan al-Basri, Ibrahim, Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab and the Hanafis. (See Bak-
 kush, Figh al-imam Jabir b. Zayd, p. 264).
 [256] This tradition is another exampleof al-Rabi’transmitting from 4
 younger contemporary of his, Abii al-Ruhayl Mahbib b. al-Ruhayl (se¢
 Ch. IV, p. 140). The issue discussed here is a normal one discussed in most
figh sources of all schools. (Cf al-Shaybani, al-Mabsit, 2:434-435; al-
 Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:354, and Atfayyish, Sharh al-nil, 4:214). The story
 is also recorded in Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami ‘, 3:404.
 [257] This tradition makes clear that Abu al-Ruhayl is Mahbib b. al-Ruhay!
 who is better known as Abii Sufyan rather than Abii al-Ruhayl. He was the
 stepson of al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, and his father was living at the time of Jabir b.
 Zayd. (See al-Darjini, Tabaqgat al-mashayikh, 263-273;al-Shammakhi,al-
 Siyar, 117-119). For the tradition, see its implementation in Ibn Ja‘ far, al-
 Jami‘, 3:167—168, and note that Ibn Ja‘far mentions two narrations of the
 story, the first transmitted by Abi Sufyan and the second by his son Muham-
 mad b. Mahbib who ascribed the story to his great-grandmother. (Cf. al-
‘Awtabi, al-Diya ’, 6:337, and al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar ‘, 20:168—174).
[258] This is the first tradition transmitted through ‘Amara b. Hayyan (see
 Ch. IV, p. 142 of this study). Wa4sit is the town in Iraq (al-Oamiis al-muhit,
 s.v, 4x9), halfway between Basra and Kufa built by al-Hajjaj between the
 years 75/694 and 78/697.(See al-WaAsiti, Aslam (d.292/905),Tarikh Wasit,
 (1° ed., 1986), 1:38-39). Regarding the performance of prayer on boats and
 ships, see Abii Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 1:185-186;
 al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar ‘, 14:215—216; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 2:580-
583, and Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:68—70.
[259] This tradition, apart from its figh opinion, is one of the few that
describes Jabir’s late life. From the description given by “Amara, who was an
orphan brought up at Jabir’s house, worked with him and accompanied him
in his travels (al-Darjint, Tabaqgat al-mashayikh, 2:212) we know that Jabir
reached an old age during which he was not able to perform some of his
Notes on the Edited Text115
Prayers in the normal way. For “... muhtabiyan ...” see Lisan al-‘arab,
99
14:160-161 (under b=). For performing sa/dt in the way ascribed here to
Jabir, see al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar’‘, 15:232.
[260] This issue is related to the ques
tion discussed earlier; see references
cited on [211] above.
[261] This tradition, along with the next one, deals with the issue of kharaj
(land-tax). Some scholars say that kharaj remains a charge on the land, even
If its owner adopts Islam (as the case in this tradition) or it otherwise
becomes the property of a Muslim (see [262] below). Jabir b. Zayd in parti-
Cular and the Ibadis in general disapprove of this opinion and state that there
IS only one tax from a land depending on its owner (a Muslim or non-
Muslim). For details of opinions and evidence, see Aba Yiisuf (al-Qadi),
 Kitab al-kharaj, 59-61; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:418-419, and Aba
 Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-Mudawwana al-sughra, 2:264.
[262] See comment and references cited on [261] above. And note that the
 xpression “... salld ... musalliya ...” is used to indicate that he or she adopts
 Islam. Here al-Raby' reports that ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-'Aziz ordered his gover-
 ors not to impose the kharaj on a Muslim who has “ard kharajiyya’” tax paid
 lands. This is also ascribed to him in a/-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:283 whereas
 SOme sources ascribed to him the contrary. (See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musan-
 naf, 6:101, 10:335; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:419, 6:436, and al-Mudaw-
 wana al-kubra, 2:346). It could be that ‘Umar had had two opinions and each
 transmitter reported one.
 [263] This tradition is the only one in the book that deals with more than one
 issue. For the first issue, see sources cited on [71] above and the second has
also been commented on, in [10] above. For the last part regarding the
muhrim, the same opinion is adopted by the Hanafis (al-Shaybani, al-Mabsit,
2:432) while the Shafi'is say that it is alright for a muhrim to cut the hair or
Clip the nails of a non-muhrim(al-Umm,2:206.) ImamMalik on the other
hand differentiates between cutting the hair and clipping the nails; the latter,
unlike the first, is allowed (al-Mudawwana al-kubrd, 2:428.)
[264] For biography of ‘Abbas b. al-Harith see Ch. IV, p. 138. This opinion
is also ascribed to Jabir b. Zayd in non-Ibadi sources, such as Abi ‘Ubayd al-
Qasim b. Sallam, al-Amwail, 431, and Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 2:638-642.
(CfIbn Abi Shayba,Musannaf,2:389). The opinion ascribed here to the
Kufans is also that by Ibn ‘Abbas and ‘Ali b. Abi Talib. (See Abii ‘Ubayd al-
Qasim b. Sallam, a/-Amwal, 430, and Ibn Khalfiin, Ajwibat, 61-63).
116Chapter Three
[265] For biography of al-Walid b. Yahya see Ch. IV, p. 150 of this study:
Similar forms of ta ‘lig al-talag (conditional repudiation) are discussed 10
most early references such as Abii Ghanim al-Khurasant, a/-Mudawwana al-
kubra, 1:287-290; Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami‘, 6:314-316; Ibn Abt Shayba, Musan-
naf, 4:174; al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 6:8, 92.
[266] Cf. al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar‘, 61-62:100; Atfayyish, Sharh al-nil,
12:380; Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 6:418, and note that most scholars are 10
favour of approving such a will. (See Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 6:213-215;
Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 13:300-301).
[267] See references cited on [255] above. Note that this tradition uses the
term sadaqa instead of zakat (used so frequently in this book) although 1) 5
the term used in the Qur'an (9:60, 103).
[268] If a pilgrim mistakenly recites the talbiya of the ‘umra instead of that
of the hajj, his intention matters most and his merit is for what he intends not
what he pronounces by mistake, a rule that includes many detailed issues.
(See Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami ‘, 3:306). Some scholars claim consensus on this rule.
(See Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 3:126, and al-Umm, 2:155). But I could not
find the other opinion ascribed to the Kufans here.
 [269] On this particular issue Jabir narrated a Prophetic tradition, Musnad al-
Rabi’ b. Habib,1:164. (Cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:303). The other
view is ascribed to Ibn ‘Umar and adopted by the Hanafis. (See al-Shayban!,
al-Hujja, 1:351).
 [270] See references cited on [140] above.
 [271] This tradition has been commonly quoted by Ibadi sources. (See for
example, al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar‘, 14:15; al-‘Awtabi, al-Diya’, 5:121, and
al-Shammakhi, al-/dah, 1:691, and cf. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 3:27,
and Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 2:90; al-Shaybani, al-Hujja,1:90, and Ibn
 ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 13:249-251).
 [272]For definitionof gadhf,see noteon [1] and[26] above.If false
 accusations are directed to a group of people, the times of applicability of
 hadd is an issue of disagreement.For details see al-Muwatta ’, 2:829;‘Abd
 al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:432—434, and Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:482-
 484: Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 9:88.
 [273] This is the first source to mention this story, though it has been quoted
 later in other sources such as al-Darjini, Tabagat al-mashayikh, 2:208, al-
 Shammakhi, al-Siyar, 1:70, and al-Janawuni, Kitab al-nikah, 153. Jabir’s
 reply to the women is a good example of using the Qur’an as a proof for his
Notes on the Edited Text117
Opinions about getting married to an ama (female slave), which is an area of
Much detailed argument. (Cf. al-Jassas, Ahkam al-Qur’an, 2:158, 5:138; al-
Muwatta’, 2:536; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:263, and Ibn Abt Shayba,
Musannaf, 3:466).
[274] See references cited on [227] above.
[275] Accepting gifts from unjust rulers and corrupt governors is a policy
Jabir followed to keep relations with them and to avoid any doubts about the
Spposition of his community.Ibadi references provide various examples of
mplementing this policy. (See al-Kindi, a/-Musannaf, 10:291-292, and al-
 War} lani, al-Dalil wa-l-burhan, 3:57). For other scholars following a similar
 Ine with corrupt authorities, see also Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 4:117-
9,
 [276] On the issue of zihar (see [2], [37], [111], [149] and [150] above) from
 More than one wife either in one occasion or separately, Jabir adopted an
 pinion ascribed to ‘Umar b. al-Khattéb and approved by most scholars
 “xcept the Hanafis. (See al-Kindi, a/-Musannaf, 38:161;‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
 Musannaf, 6:438-439; al-Shaybani, al-Mabsiit, 2:221, and al-Mudawwana
 al-kubra, 6:54).
 [277] For al-Dahhak b. Muzahim see al-Dhahabi, Siyar alam al-nubala’,
 4:598-600. For the applicability of hadd punishments to slaves (males,
 females ama and umm walad) see discussion on [E1] above.
 [278] This incident shows part of the structural bases, both social and
Political, Jabir was establishing within his followers. In his correspondence to
Some of his colleagues and disciples, he asked them to write to him on all
Matters regarding their da‘wa (movement propaganda) and events in the
Society in general. (See Rasa il Jabir b. Zayd, ms, Ennami (ed.), letters: no. 2
addressed to ‘Uthman b. Yasar, p. 5; no. 3 addressed to Tarif b. Khulayd,
P.9; no. 4 addressed to Ghitrif b. ‘Abd al-Rahman, p. 12.) Thus it is not
Strange that he named the man carrying a letter to him and keeping it “for
days” as unworthy of trust. This source seems to be the only one to mention
this story as far as I could find.
[279] In addition to references cited on [244] above, see “Abd al-Razzaq, al-
Musannaf, 8:23-25; Ibn Qudama; al-Mughni, 4:187, and Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr,
al-Tamhid, 4:65.
[280] All this dialogue and the resulting legal opinions are also extant in Abi
Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-Mudawwana al-sughra,|:283; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
Musannaf, 6:375; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:69-70.
118Chapter Three
[281] Most Ibadi scholars follow this opinion of Jabir b. Zayd mentioned
here. (See al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 40:89). Cf. references cited on [272] above
although we cannot generalize from the judgements stated there. For exam-
ple, there are differences about whether a phrase is gadhf or not; e.g. Ibn
Qudama differentiates between “ya bna al-zdniyayn — O son of adulterers”
and “ya bna al-zani wa al-zaniya — O son of adulterer and adulteress”. (See
al-Mughni, 9:89, and al-Umm, 7:153-154 respectively).
 [282] There are long discussions on the conditions of the animal sufficient for
dahiyya (sacrifice), as there are certain ‘uyib ‘defects’ which render the
animalinadmissible,basedona Prophetichadith found in al-Muwatta ,
2:482. (Cf. Ibn Baraka, al-Jami'‘, 2:59; Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami‘, 3:404; ‘Abd al-
 Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 7:347-350; Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 2:369-371).
“... al-‘adba” is a cleft-eared animal, “al-musta’sala min dhanabiha ...” an
 animal with its tail cut off, “... al-mutasarrimat azlafuha ...” animal with a
 cleft in its hoof, “.. arja’..” lame animal. (See Lisan al-‘arab, under «2°
‎ عرجte wa taal).
 [283] See references cited on [264] above.
 [284] This tradition contradicts what has been ascribed to Jabir b. Zayd
 earlier in this book (see [12], [181] and [189] above), but it verifies the
 opinion ascribed to Jabir in manynon-Ibadt sources such as al-Qurtubi,
 Tafsir, 2:386-387; al-Nawawi, Sharh Sahih Muslim, 8:163; Ibn Qudama, al-
 Mughni, 3:494 that the garin has to perform two tawafs and two sa ‘ys. This 1s
 also the opinion of Abi Hanifa, al-Thawri, al-Awza'‘l, Ibn Abi Layla and is
 ascribed to ‘Ali and Ibn Mas‘iid. To harmonize the two contradictory opini-
 ons, I would suggest that Jabir recommends performing one fawaf only for
 those who are late and cannot do two tawafs and two sa‘ys as in the case of
 the man who asked him in tradition [12] above; otherwise he recommends the
pilgrim, whether mutamatti' or qarin, to perform two fawafs and two sa ‘ys.
[285] This issue of a man being asked if he is married or not and his false
reply that he is not married is not considered repudiation by many scholars
like Jabir, such as al-Hasan, al-A‘mash and ascribed to ‘Umar. (See Ibn Abi
Shayba, Musannaf, 4:110-111; al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 5:401-403,and
Abia Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-Mudawwana al-sughra, \:282).
[286] Although all readings of the manuscript agree on the name of Ka’b b.
Siwar, most references give his name as Ka’b b. Sir (not Siwar) who was a
gadi in Basra from the time of ‘Umar b. al-Khattab until he was killed in the
Battle of al-Jamal. These sources confirm what is ascribed to him here. They
all describe his role at the fitna of al-Jamal and that he used to walk between
the two front lines of both armies and warned them of the consequences of
Notes on the Edited Text119
the war, hanging the mushaf around his chest. (See Ibn Hibban, Mashahir
ulama’al-amsar,1:101; al-Thigat,5:333;IbnHajar,Tahdhibal-kamal,
13:420-422, Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isti‘Gb, 3:1318—-1320). Who narrated this
tradition back to Ka‘b remains unsolved as the name mentioned in the
manuscripts is illegible and external sources do not provide anything that
helps in solving this problem. See Ch. I, p. 20 of this study. Note that the last
Sentence of this tradition could read:‎ وإن شرره يناله وسقمه: ععطاهthan what it
reads in the copies of the manuscript‎ وإن شرره يناوله وسقمهto give a plausible
meaning.
[287] Amongst all the traditions related to mukdtaba in the book ({55], [57],
[104], [119], [122], [124], [126], [130]), this tradition does not give a
Standing meaning. And no other source provides information on such an issue
which discusses in one pattern mukdtaba, hajj and kira’ (hiring or leasing).
[288]Thistraditionis theonlytodiscusstheissueof nikahal-mut'a
(temporary marriage). Although the Ibadis stand with the Sunnis on the
Prohibition of this kind of marriage, there seem to be some traditions
(regardless of their authenticity as it is beyond our purpose in these notes)
approving the opinion of its legality and validity, which is adopted by most
51 15, though not the Zaydis. Abi al-Hawart for example ascribes this
Opinion to some distinguished Ibadi scholars such as Abi Sufra,’ Muhammad
b. Mahbiib and Abi al-Hasan (probably al-Bisyawi). (See Muhammadb. al-
Hawari, Jami‘ Abi al-Hawari, 3:135, and al-Kindi, al-Musannaf, 33:6-7).
For details of opinions and evidence see al-Muwatta ’, 2:542; ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
al- Musannaf, 7:496—507; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 3:551—-553; al-Tahawi
(Abii Ja‘far), Sharh ma ‘ani al-athar, 3:24; Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 7:136-
139, and al-Umm, 5:174-177. Note that our book is the only source to ascribe
 this opinion to al-Hasan (al-Basri). Elsewhere the contrary is normally given.
[289] See references cited in [238] above.
[290] For biographies of Salim b. ‘Ubayd see Ch. IV, p. 150 of this study.
 For comment on this tradition see Ch. I, p. 18. There are several sources I
 found mentioning this story such as Sahih al-Bukhari (Ibn Hajar, Fath al-
 bari, 13:181), and al-Dhahabi (Siyar a ‘lam al-nubala’, 11:435) with similar
phraseology. Ibn Hajar says that Ibn Abi Shayba also transmitted this
tradition on the authority of Abi al-Sha‘tha’, Jabir b. Zayd, although I could
not find it in his Musannaf, and that he (Ibn Abi Shayba) gives the name of
the governor as Yazid b. Mu ‘awiya (Fath al-bari 13:182).
9Who is the key transmitter of this work and this is, may be, the reason for the transmis-
sion of such a tradition. Otherwise the text does not explicitly use the word nikah,
which gives scope for intepreting the mut‘a used in the text as muta ‘at al-hajj.
120Chapter Three
[291] This tradition indicates that Jabir’s interpretation of the istifa a (capa-
bility) required from the mukallaf (responsible person) to perform hajj 1s
based on the Qur’an (3:97), cf. Ibn Ja‘ far, al-Jami‘, 3:275; al-Umm, 2:113;
Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Tamhid, 9:125—128, and Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 3:86-
88.
[292] This conversation between Jabir b. Zayd and his questioner, Salim b.
 ‘Ubayd, reflects two important things; first the use of giydas (analogy,
reasoning) by Jabir b. Zayd and secondly it reflects an image of the method
Jabir uses to teach and convince his followers in a manner of question-answer
basis. (Cf. Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 9:171).
 [293] It is worth mentioning that Yazid b. Abt Muslim mentioned here is one
of al-Hajjaj’s assistants or secretaries by whom Jabir was respected and so
 much welcomed. (See al-Shammakhi, a/-Siyar, 1:70-71, 88; Ibn Ja‘far, al-
Jami ‘, 4:267; al-Warjlani, al-Dalil wa al-burhan, 3:45, and EI’, 1, p. 649, s.v.
 al-Ibadiyya). More details on this story are given in other Ibadi sources such
 as al-Shammakhi, a/-Sivar,1:70-71. Yet despite these strong ties and appa-
 rent good relations with influential authorities in the government, Jabir was
 very critical of them, though mostly in a secret or careful way, and also was
 very conscious of himself not to be tempted, in any way, by what he received
 from them. This is clear in our story where he stopped at the river and
 cleaned of the perfume given to him from Yazid while quoting the Qur an
 (46:20): (You received your good things in the life of the world, and you took
 your pleasure therein ...). On al-Shammakhi’s record of this story he adds that
 Jabir also said “O God, do not make my fortune with You as my stature with
 these people” (ibid.).
[294] For Abi al-Harith and Hazim b. ‘Umar, see Ch. IV, p. 138, 145 of this
study. And note that the rest of traditions — from [294] to [324] — are all
 transmitted through Hazim b. ‘Umar. For the issue discussed here, refer to
sources cited on [96] and [184] above.
[295] See references cited on [261] and [262] above.
[296] The revolt of Ibn al-Ash'ath has been commented on in Ch. I, p. 20.
“Banat Udar’” is most possibly a place in Iraq although I could not find it in
such authorities as Mu ‘jam al-buldan of Yaqut al-Hamawt or Tarikh Bagh-
dad of al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. However “al-Jisr al-asghar” is a known place
in Basra. (See al-Tabari (Abt Ja‘far), Tarikh, 3:426, 427). For the issue
focused on (salat al-safar — traveller’s prayer) here, see referencescited
earlier on [211], and comment [260] above.
Notes on the Edited Text121
[297] This tradition and [298] below provides the evidence for what has been
Said about the relationship of Tamim b. Huways and Jabir, see [212] above. It
can be seen from the tradition that the “Qasr al-Nu‘man” is a place two
Jarsakhs (leagues) from the city (of al-Hira, not al-Madina, as no source talks
about a place with this name in Arabia). (See for example, al-Bakri Abi
‘Ubayd, Mu ‘jam ma sta jam, (3 ed.), 2:515). “... radagh ...” means‘mud’
according to Mukhtar al-sihah (under ¢ 20).
[298] It is clear that the main aim of this tradition is to show that Jabir uses
rukhsa (allowance, exemption “a lenient view of law based on a legal excuse
for hardship”). The tradition is quoted in Aba Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-
Mudawwanaal-kubra,1:185, and it is certainly linked to tradition [258]
Commented on above.
[299] The topic of this tradition, although presented in a different style is of
the same line of traditions [211], [260] and [296] discussed earlier. “Rustaq”
means a kind of land (Lisan al- ‘arab, under 3) 330).
[300] See references cited on [171] above. Note that this tradition is the first
and the only one in which Jabir states explicitly that he is relying in his legal
opinion on what he found the Companions doing.
[301] All IbadT sources agree on the rejecting wiping over footwear when
doing wud’. Ibn Khalftin says “all our followers (i.e. Ibadis) agree on the
disapproval[of wipingover the footwear]such as Jabir b. Zayd,Abi
‘Ubayda, Abi Nih Salih al-Dahhan, Rabi‘ al-Ahwal,Hajib, al-Rabi‘ b.
Habib, [‘Abd Allah] b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Abi al-Mu‘arrij..., they all do not
 accept wiping over footwear; and Abii Sa‘id al-‘Umani in his commentson
 al-Ashraf [of Ibn al-Mundhir] said: All our people agree on the rejection of
 wiping over footwear” (Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, 81-82). On another occasion
 Jabir is reported to have said, “How should I wipe over footwear for ablution
 while God commands us to wash the feet?” (See Abi Ghanim al-Khurasani,
 al- Mudawwana al-kubra, 1:24; Abi Sa‘td al-Kudamt, al/-Mu ‘tabar, 2:65). On
 the other hand, most, if not all — generally speaking — Sunni schools approve
 wipingoverfootwear,withdifferencesonsomeof its details.(Seeal-
 Muwatta’, 1:35-37; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 1:191-198; Ibn Abi
 Shayba, Musannaf, 1:161-173; al-Tahawi (Abi Ja‘far), Sharh ma‘ani al-
athar,1:79-83; al-Umm,1:32-36, and al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf
al-‘ulama’, 1:137-142).
 [302] Not many scholars have allowed the possibility of a person leaving the
jamaa prayer (congregational prayer) after joining it if he finds out during
the prayer that the imam is reciting long si#iras. However, this might be an
opinion of Jabir subject to certain circumstances, as it is alluded from Jabir’s
 122Chapter Three
justification of what they, he and his companion, did when he says, “The
 prayer of al- ‘isha’ ‘evening prayer’ is apprehensiveness, and the prayer of al-
fajr ‘dawn’ is elapse”. Surprisingly, Ibadi sources that have recorded this
 story quote it without any comment or explanation. (See for example Ibn
 Ja‘far, al-Jami'‘, 2:297,and al-Kindt, Bayanal-shar’‘, 13:117).For leaving
 congregational prayer due to long recital of the Qur'an in the prayer, there 5
 a Prophetic hadith in which a companion did leave the prayer when the
 imam, who was Mu adh,started reciting surat al-Bagara at al- ‘isha’ prayer.
 (See Ibn Hajar, Fath al-bari, 2:226—229; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,1:405).
[303] See comment on this issue in Ch. I, pp. 15, 20 of this study. For the figh
 matter of gasr al-salat (shortening prayer) for travellers, see [211] above. It is
 important to mention here that although this tradition does not state that Jabir
 b. Zayd was among them (those who escaped “bay ‘at Ibn Ziyad’), other
sources provide information that he did the same thing and it is very possible
 that it is the same incident, al-Kindi (al-Musannaf, 5:350) says:
-  أن جابر بن زيد- مه الله- حقال [أبو عبد الله] أخبرني أبو صرفرة
ريء فلما قدم يريد البصرة وصار بالجيش بلغه أنفان فس— كرحمه الله
 وأقام بالجيش أياما وهو يقصر:بالبصرة بيعة » فكره أن يدخل البصرة
.الصلاة؛ وذلك الموضع يسمع منه الأصوات بالبصرة
]403[ See comments on traditions dealing with similar issue, [211], [260],
[297] and [303] above.
[305] Cf. al-Umm, 1:176; al-Shaybant; al-Mabsit, 1:179; Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ,
2:255 where this statement is quoted but without mentioning its ascription to
Jabir b. Zayd.
[306] Notice the great emphasis given to details of the distance from which
the prayer is shortened (salat al-safar) and to the period the musdfir (travel-
ler) stays doing gasr prayer. See sources cited on [211], [260], [296], [303]
and [304] above.
[307] This issue has been commented on earlier in more than one occasion,
see for example [96], [184] and [294] above. Note that most opinions are
illustrated in this tradition in more details than the mentioned ones.
[308] See [307] above.
[309] Again this tradition is on the theme of issues concerning kira’ al-ard
(renting land for agricultural investments). All of them are dealing with
Jabir’s disapproval of certain kinds of contracts, but none of them shows us
what are the conditions of Jabir b. Zayd on this matter by which such
Notes on the Edited Text123
contracts are allowed. Moreover, we have seen that external sources ascribe
to him different opinions, see [96] above.
[310] Agrah ra’suh means ‘having injuries to his head’ (Mukhtar al-sihah,
under c 4). This tradition is one that has been in Ibadi figh at an early stage.
Ibn Khalfin has a record of it with its sanad (Ajwibat Ibn Khalfin, p. 80) and
Ibn Ja‘far also used this tradition ascribing it to Jabir with identical phrases
(al-Jami‘, 1:405). However, this is another good example of fatwas based on
rukhsa(see [298]above).Onthesameissueof al-mash ‘ald al-jaba’ir
(wiping over bandages), most if not all authorities are of the same opinion.
(See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 1:159-162; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf,
1:126-127, and al-Jassas al-Razi, Mukhtasar ikhtilaf al-‘ulama’, 1:152).
[311] See references cited on [310] above.
[312] Another example of the same issues discussed on [310] and [311]
above.
[313] See references cited on [258], [259] and [298] above.
[314] This story shows the strong and special relationship between Jabir b.
 Zayd and one of his great teachers Anas b. Malik, the statement of Anas at
 the death of Jabir and his testimony of Jabir’s status of knowledge and
 righteousness (note that Anas said; “a ‘Jamu al-nds bi-llah, the most knowled-
 geable of God amongst people”) is also reported by al-Shammakhi, a/-Siyar,
1:70. In addition, this tradition proves that Jabir’s death was not long before
 Anas b. Malik though it does not give a specific date but it says that Anas too
 was sick. Ennami used this tradition to conclude Jabir’s date of death. (See
 Ennami, Studies, p. 65-66).
 [315] See commentsand references cited on [96], [184], [294] and [309]
above.
 [316] See comments and references cited on [91] and [254] above.
 [317] For the nadhr (vow) of unlawful deeds, as in the case in this tradition,
there is disagreement on how should the person release himself from such
nadhr. Jabir seems to adopt the opinion which deems kaffara necessary (see
[20] and [21] above). Jabir has narrated a Prophetic hadith on the prohibition
of nadhr to commit sins or unlawful deeds. (See Musnad al-Rabi'‘ b. Habib,
1:258; Sahih al-Bukhdari, 6:2464).For details of this issue see‘Abd al-
Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 8:433—436; Ibn Abt Shayba, Musannaf, 3:66-68. It is
also important to point out that the word /ahw used in the tradition is a term
used to mean ghind’ (singing with musical sounds) according to many scho-
lars such as Ibn ‘Abbas, about whom Jabir b. Zayd reported with approval
124Chapter Three
that he (Ibn ‘Abbas)interprets (/ahw al-hadith, idle talk) in the Quran
(Q: 31:6) by music and singing. (See Abt’ Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-Mudaw-
wana al-sughra, 2:95—98, and Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 31-76, of stra 31).
[318] This tradition is dealing with a famous argument on what is the valid
ru'ya (observation) of the moon of Ramadan, i.e. which moon should be
considered a start (or an end) of the month, is it the moon which 1s seen
during the day before sunset, is it of the night before or the coming night.
Jabir here, as ascribed to him elsewhere, is saying that in such case, it is of
the night before. This is the opinion of ‘Umar b. al-Khattab, Anas b. Malik,
 Ibn ‘Umar, ‘Uthman and Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab. (See al-Muwatta’, 1:287; al-
Jitali, Qawa ‘id al-Islam, 2:72; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:162; Ibn Abi
 Shayba, Musannaf, 2:318-321; al-Umm, 2:95). Unlike all other traditions in
 the book, the sanad of this tradition is not of the same pattern. None of the
 usual transmitters of the book except Abu Nuh Salih al-Dahhan who was part
 of the story is extant. It starts with “‘Umar said”. This is unknownin [badi
 sources. However, [bn Abi Shayba has a unique record of this story, he says:
... حدثنا أبو داود عن عمر بن فروخ عن صالح الدهان قال
 This makes it clear that he is ‘Umar b. Farrikh. (See al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-
 i tidal, 5:339; Ibn Hibban, al-Thigat, (1“ ed., 1975), 7:95). The name of the
 mosque is not mentioned in Ibn Abi Shayba’s record of the story and I could
 not find a mosque of this name in the sources I| have.
[319] For women wearing their jewellery during ihram, see Ibn Abi Shayba,
 Musannaf, 3:281—283; al-Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:462; Ibn Ja‘far, al-Jami ,
3:311. Abt al-Muhajir Hashim b. al-Muhajir (a third/ninth century Ibadt
scholar from Hadramawt and a student of al-Rabt’ (al-Darjini, Tabaqat, 1:5))
seems to disapproveof this view of Jabir. (See al-Kindi, al-Musannaf,
8:163).
[320]Ibadis withoutexceptionhaveagreedon the disapprovalof quniut
(invocationof Godagainst certain enemies,inserted in the prayer), to the
extent that it becomesa distinctive feature of the Ibadi school of law. By
analysing Jabir’s statement of this issue we notice that he always gives
definitive answers that refute any other view on this issue. Here he states that
“all the prayer is gunut. As for what those do, I have no idea about it”. In an
addition narrated by Abii Ghanim al-Khurasani in al-Mudawwana al-sughra,
1:67 he says: “this is an innovation that we do not know nor do we ascribe it
to any of the ancestors of this umma”. (Cf. Ibn Ja far, al-Jami’, 2:246;
Musnad al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, 1:124 where this disapproval is ascribed to Ibn
‘Abbas and Ibn ‘Umar). Otherwise most if not all Muslim schools of law,
generally speaking, accept qunut with differences on some details, such as
Notes on the Edited Text125
when to do it, which prayer, at which part of the prayer ... etc. (Cf. al-
Muwatta’, 1:159; ‘Abd al-Razziaq, al-Musannaf, 3:105—122; Ibn Abt Shayba,
Musannaf, 2:95—101; al-Mudawwana al-kubraé, 1:101-103; al-Umm,7:248,
and al-Shaybani, al-Mabsit, 1:164).
[321] Based on the Qur’an (2:234), scholars have disagreed on when a
Widow should start her ‘idda: is it from the time of the death?, as Jabir says
here, whichis also ascribed to Ibn‘Abbas,Ibn ‘Umar,‘Ikrima,‘Ata’,
Mujahid, Ibn Sirin and al-Zuhri; or from the time she receives the news of his
 death?, the view of ‘Alt, al-Hasan and Qatada. (See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-
 Musannaf, 6:327-329; Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 4:160-162, and al-Umm,
 5:216-218, and cf. note on [163] above).
[322]For the transmitter of this tradition Hammamb. Yahya,see Ch.IV,
 p. 144. Regarding the issue, see references cited on [252] above.
 [323] For biography of Jamil al-Khawarizmi, see Ch. IV, p. 148. The ques-
 tion of the legal status of an uncircumcised man has long been problematic.
 Somescholars do not deem animals killed by him lawful; his marriage,
 according to them, is illicit; and he is not entitled to give testimony in court
 Or it is rejected. This opinion is ascribed to Ibn ‘Abbas here and elsewhere, as
 in Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, 5:21, and Abii Ghanim al-Khurasani, al-
 Mudawwana al-kubra, 2:224. On the other hand there is another opinion
Which is the contrary of the first one and is ascribed to al-Hasan and
Hammad. (See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, 4:483, and Ibn Qudama, al-
Mughni, 9:311).
 [324] Most fugahd’ agree that of ghanima (booty) taken from the enemy in
war as well as of the ma ‘din (mine) and of rikaz (treasure), one fifth is to be
paid in terms of zakat or to the public treasury. Yet they differ on whether it
(ghanima) should be subject to stipulations of zakat with regard to its
amount, i.e. the nisab (the minimum amount of wealth necessary before zakat
is due). For details of this, see Abi Yusuf, al-Kharaj, 21-22; al-Umm,
4:143-144. For the influence of Jabir’s view on the Ibadi schools of law, see
al-Salimi, Ma ‘arij al-Gmal, 14:147. And for a good summary of different
Opinions and evidence see al-Qaradawi, Figh al-zakat, 1:434-436, and al-
Kindi, al-Musannaf, 6:159.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATE OF THE ATHAR 0
AUTHORITIES TRANSMITTING,
AND EVALUTION OF IBADI FIOH MATERIAL
IN THE WORK
I) Date of the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
My attempt to date the compilation of this work has three focal points:
|. Establishing the dates of the author’s life, since it is certain that he set
about compiling (or at the very least, bringing together) the materials for
this work in some final form, whether written or oral, at some point
during his lifetime. After his death, his students set about transmitting this
work from him to subsequent generations.
2. A close scrutiny of the language employed in the work as a means to
gaugingthe period to whichit belongs, especially the waysin which
phrases are structured so as to demonstrate legal stipulations. As well as
an examination of the legal issues with which the work is concerned,
there is an investigation of the history of these issues and an inquiry into
them.
3.Thethirdissue,somewhatless complicatedthanthe previoustwo,is
reference to contemporary political events and historical incidents men-
tioned in the work. Though there are very few, they provide some appro-
ximate indicators for the period during which the work in question was
put together.
 1) The Author of Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
As has been mentioned, the primary title of the work appears to be Athar al-
Rabi‘ b. Habib.’ | should also add here that the first tradition in this work
begins with “It has been reported to us from Abi Sufra ‘Abd al-Malik b.
Sufra— al-Haytham— al-Rabi' b. Habib ...”. This not only serves to confirm
|See pp. 1-4 of this study.
128Chapter Four
the ascription of the work to al-Rabi b. Habib; it also falls into a pattern
commonly found in legal and hadith compilations that have come down to us
from the second and third centuries A.H. These open in the same way, with
an introductoryisndd,andthenfollowthe variousnarratives andhadiths
beginning with the author’s name. One such example is the Muwatta’ of the
Imam Malik b. Anas: while all agree that he is the author of this work, we
find nonetheless that the Muwatta’ always begins with the names of the
transmitters of the work reporting from Malik, e.g., “he said: it was reported
to me by al-Laythi from Malik b. Anas”, or “it was reported to me by Yahya
 from Malik””. Similarly, the Mudawwana al-kubra is ascribed to Imam
 Malik, even though at the beginning of the work the transmission mentioned
 is that of Sahniin b. Sa‘id— ‘Abd al-Rahman b. al-Qasim’. Likewise, in the
 Kitab al-asl, knownalso as al-Mabsiit, which is undoubtedly the work of
 Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybant (d. 189/804), we find at the beginning,
 “Abi Sulayman al-Jizjani [reported] from Muhammad b. al-Hasan, who
 said ...”*. The same can be said of the Risala of Imam al-Shafi'i where in the
 introduction we find, “al-Rabi‘ b. Sulayman said...”°. Again, the same
 pattern can be seen in the Musannaf of Ibn Abi Shayba and other works. This
is exactly what we find in the Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, where every tradition
 after the first tradition begins with, “al-Rabi‘...”. In sum, all this serves to
confirm the validity of the work’s ascription to al-Rabi’ b. Habib.
Despite all the arguments that have been made regarding the biographical
information about al-Rabt’ b. Habib’, my preference is for the findings |
made in a previous paper’, namely that al-Rabt’ b. Habib died between the
years 175—180/791—796, which would mean that the work in question here
was composed not later than this period. However, I would not necessarily
posit that the work was composed in the last years of his life, since it does not
mention any of the events that took place during the final years 01 21-1861 5
lifetime. On the contrary, one might suggest that he composed this work
during the Umayyad period on account of the absence of any reference to
Abbasid names or events relating to this last period, and on account of his
2See hadiths | & 2 of al-Muwatta’.
3See al-Mudawwana al-kubra, p. 2.
4See al-Shaybani, Kitab al-asl al-ma'ruf bi al-Mabsut, (ed. Abii al-Wafa’al-Afghani),
p. 27.
5Al-Shafi'l, al-Risdla, (1° edn., Egypt 1940), p. 7.
6A detailed exposition of these arguments is best given by Crone & Zimmermann, The
epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan, (Oxford, 2001), pp. 305-308.
7Ina previous essay submitted for the M.St., University of Oxford (1999) under the title
of “The Ibadiyya and Hadith: An Overview”, pp. 6-9.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material129
Overwhelming reliance on what he heard from Dumam b. al-Sa’ib,° and the
fact that there are three narrations in the work (nos. [245], [273] and [280])
whichal-Rabi‘transmitted directly from Jabir b. Zayd.In any case, at this
point these are only surmises, upon which further light may be shed by what
follows.
2) The Language Used in the Work and Its Legal Peculiarities
There are virtually no attempts to deal with the question of the evolving
nature of the language employed in Islamic legal compilations during
different periods. The only basic evidence available is to be found in the
Comment that some authors make about their method of composition. In the
case of Athar al-Rabi‘, we find that there are several phrases used in the text
which could provide pointers for the dating of the compilation of this work.
Amongthese are certain expressions drawn from every-day, non-technical
Arabic that are used to demonstrate a particular legal stipulation. For exam-
ple, lam yara ba’san, la yara ba’san ft ..., la nara ba’san ..., kana yujizu ...,
 laysa‘alayhi shay’un ... are used to indicate in a very natural way that a
 matter is permitted; and kariha, kana yakrahu, fa-nahahu ‘an, or naha ‘an,
 the construction /a taf‘al or 1a yaf‘al normally indicate that a certain matter is
 prohibited.’ On the other hand, the phrase /a yajuizu appears only once, where
 the text says, “it is forbidden to marry off the unborn” (tradition [24]). That
 text does not explicitly, otherwise, use the term fahrim. On one occasion
 where an individual persistently repeated a question about some kinds of
 wine, Jabir said, “the Messenger of God forbade it, and any thing that the
 Messenger of God forbade is illicit (haram) (tradition [238}).
Similarly, the term bari] appears six times, but only one of which appears
to be of the saying of Jabir b. Zayd (tradition [177]). The rest are found in
 Sayings which the work’s transmitter (or transmitters) additionally ascribed,
along with Jabir’s, to the Kufans. Moreover, we do not find the names of any
particular legal school or sect, except where the text uses the terms ashabuna
or al-Kifiyyun. The use of these two terms seems to go back to one of the
work’s transmitters. The term ashabunda appears for the first time in tradition
 [14], in statements, other than those of Jabir b. Zayd, which the transmitter
had chosen to include on the topic in question. It appears a second time in
tradition [30] in order to confirm the fact that the saying of Jabir b. Zayd is
that of “our companionsor fellows”(ashabund),for they transmittedthis
saying from Ibn ‘Abbas elsewhere. As for the third occurrence, this is found
8Al-Shammakhi, Kitab al-siyar, 1:81-82.
9On the use of “karaha’” for prohibition, see Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, A ‘lam al-muwagq-
gi in ‘an Rabb al-‘alamin, (Beirut 1991), 1:32-35.
130Chapter Four
in tradition [35], and is used in the same way as in tradition [14]. The usage
of this term, however, in tradition [302] would seem to be slightly different.
Thetransmitter,Tamimb.Huwaysnarratesthe reportfromoneof “our
companions, who had accompanied Jabir b. Zayd ...”. But this does not have
to be understood in the same context as other instances where the term
appears. For the intended meaning here might possibly be that, “he
accompanied him during some journey or on a short trip”. Admittedly, the
overall sense suggested by the narration and its arrangement does not support
 such an interpretation, but the possibility, however weak, remains.
The use of the term (ashdbund)to indicate membersof the samereli-
 gious school, thought or opinion is a well-known usage in compilations of
 legal topics, hadiths and creed, both early and late. Although it is not possible
 to establish a date for the first occurrence of this term, it does appear in al-
 Mudawwana al-kubra of Imam Malik (93-179 A.H.) (see for example 1:4,
 4:269, 5:337). It also appears in al-Umm of al-Shafi'l (150-204 A.H.) (see
1:131, 137, 190); he also makes abundant use of it in his Risdla (see 1:326,
 529, 539). In the oldest Hanafi works, we also find it in al-Mabsit and al-
 Hujja ‘ala ahl al-Madina of Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani (d. 189); in
 the Ikhtilaf al- ulama’ of Abi‘Abd Allah Muhammadb. Nasr al-Marwazi
 (d. 294). As for the term “the Kufans”, this appears frequently in the work
 under study here (approx. 77 times). Having scrutinized the traditions in
which these “Kufans” appear, | am forced to accept the view that they are
those who later became known as the Hanafis.'° Through a number of
sayings in this work ascribed to Kufans, one is able to ascribe them only to
theHanafischoolandnotto anyotherMuslimSunnischools.Good
examples of this are provided by the following traditions: [78], [93], [95],
[152], [163], [223], [267], [268], [269).'' The use of the term “the Kufans” or
“the people of Kufa”, as opposed to “the people of Hijaz”, which appears
only once (in tradition [17]),'* is one that was also adopted at an early stage
in the composition of legal and hadith works. In fact, some contemporary
scholars have shown that these two terms made their first appearance towards
the end of the first century A.H., only a short period before the appearance of
the terms “rationalists” (ahi al-ra’y) and ‘‘traditionists” (ahi al-hadith).'°
10 Mahmasani, states that it was in Kufa that al-madhhab al-Hanaft flourished, for, Abt
Hanifa (80/699-150/767) was at Kufa, where he studied under his great teacher Ham-
mad b. Abi Sulayman (d. 120/737) (cf Mahmasani, Falsafat al-tashri’ fi al-Islam,
p. 41.
11 See above ‘Notes and Comments’ on these traditions.
12 It is explained in ‘Notes and Comments’, on [17], to whom this term is referring.
13 ‘Abd al-Majid Mahmid, al-Madrasa al-fighiyya li-l-muhaddithin, (Cairo, 1972).
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material131
From all of this, we can clearly see that there is a paucity of technical
 terms from either figh or usil al-figh in Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. This leads
 us to conclude that the compiling of the work preceded the appearance of
 such specialized (scientific or technical) terms, terms peculiar to jurispru-
 dence and the principles of religion. This finds support in Ibn Qayyim al-
 Jawziyya (d. 751 A.H.) who, in his 4 ‘lam al-muwagqqi in (edn. Beirut: Dar
 al-Kutub al-‘ilmiyya 1991, vol. I, p. 32), cites Imam Malik as saying:
“It is not the case, nor was it ever the case with our forefathers, nor
have I ever met anyone who has ever adopted the practice of saying,
‘this is halal’ or ‘this is haram’; they could never do such a thing.
Instead, they use to say, ‘this we find detestable; we think this is good,
and so one should do this’, or ‘we disagree’; they never used to say
halal or haram’’.
This saying of Imam Malik is an apt summary of what happens in Athdr al-
Rabi‘, and we might properly infer that the Athdr al-Rabi‘ belongs to the very
period of development about which Imam Malik is talking.
Nothing against this argument arises from the (single) occurrence of
thiga in tradition [4]. Here Imam Jabir uses the term thiga to mean ‘an autho-
rity’, aS a prerequisite for any transmitter as in the case when transmitting
reports from ‘Abd Allah b. Mas‘tid. My point here 1s not concerned with the
various implications of such a prerequisite (this will be dealt with in due
course), but with the expression thiga, which undoubtedly became one of the
most well-known technical terms used in the science of hadith (al-jarh wa al-
ta ‘dil, rijal-criticism, hadith technical terms). Prior to this, it had been used in
legal contexts,suchas establishingthe integrityof witnesses.It is also
frequently used in law books in chapters dealing with women embarking on
travel, alms-giving, and the rules governing deposits and trusts. For this
reason, it is difficult to establish any particular date for the emergence of this
term in the sense in which it is used in this tradition. Nevertheless, it does
have some bearing, albeit small, on that with which we are concerned here,
namely, the dating of the work through an examination of the language used
in it. For, this term is used in this sense in several early legal works. For
example, we find it in al-Mudawwana al-kubra of Imam Malik; it also
reappears in al-Shafi‘i’s Risala and al-Umm, and in Muhammad b. al-Hasan
al-Shaybani’s (d. 189) al-As/ al-ma ruf bi al-Mabsut, and in al-Hujja ‘ala ahl
al-Madina. Both ‘Abd al-Razzaq and Ibn Abi Shayba use it in their respec-
tive Musannafs, not to mention its use in later books and compilations. As
regards the prerequisite set by Jabir b. Zayd, this would not counter my
132Chapter Four
argument that the work is early'*. Many of those who have written about the
history of Islamic legislation have stated that the fabrication of hadiths, their
false attribution to the Messenger of God, and the invention of reports began
at a very early stage. In fact, some would attribute these fabrications to the
Prophet’s lifetime on the basis of the hadith in which he says, “Whoever
ascribes false sayings to me knowingly, let him look forward to his place in
hell”. Certain reports from Ibn ‘Abbas corroborate the fact that such fabri-
cations and lies in hadith did appear, forcing Ibn ‘Abbas himself only to
accept hadiths which he was sure about.'> In the introduction to his Sahih,
Muslim relates that Ibn Sirin said, “They never used to ask about isnads
(chains of transmission), but when the fitna (first civil war) took place, they
began to inquire about the names of transmitters: in the case of the people of
 the sunna, their hadiths would be accepted, while those of the people of
 innovation (ahl al-bida‘) would not”.'® In addition, this phenomenon was
 particularly widespread in Iraq, and this made scholars very wary of reports
 that came to them from there,'’ even whenit might have been attributed to
 Kufan authorities like ‘Abd Allah b. Mas‘id.'®
Another aspect worth mentioning is the lack of theoretical jurisprudence
 in this work.Almostnowherein the Athar al-Rabi'b. Habibis there any
 interest in hypothetical cases. Most, if not all, of the legal questions included
in the work are concerned with everyday practical cases and problems
 encountered by people’”. This is all the more remarkable when one bears in
mind that this work, judging by the evidence of its transmitters and topics,
belongsto theIraqimilieu,where“thephenomenonof puttingforth
hypothetical situations and enumerating [legal] questions constitutes one of
the most salient features of Iraqi jurisprudence as practiced during the second
century of the Hijra, a reputation that spread throughout the lands”,””
We also note that the contents of this work do not follow the standard
arrangement of legal compendiums and hadith collections that have come
14 Thefamousstoryof Sufyanal-Thawri (d.161/777) condemningAbiHanifa(d.
150/767) does support my argument; “Sufyan al-Thawri’, as Dr. Melchert describes,
“is quoted as saying, ‘Neither a trustworthy (thiqa) nor a reliable (ma 'mun)’, which at
least”, Melchert comments “became, if they were not already in his time, technical
terms of rijal criticism” (Formation, p. 5).
15 For a good summary of this, see Amin, Fajr al-Islam, pp. 211-215.
16 Al-Nawawi, Sharh Sahih Muslim, 1:84.
17 For explanation and details of this phenomenon, see al-‘Azami, Husayn, al-Wajiz ft
usiil al-figh wa tarikh al-tashri’, p. 187.
18 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, A ‘lam al-muwaqqi in, 1:14, 21.
19 See above: Table of Topics of Athar al-Rabi', p. 71-74.
20 Mahmid, al-Madrasa al-fighiyya li-l-muhaddithin, (Cairo 1978), pp. 48-49.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material133
down to us as products of the first centuries.”! For example, the Muwatta’ of
Imam Malik (composed circa 163/777 according to Mahmasani,” or in the
first half of the second century A.H., as proposed by Dr. Yasin Dutton”’) is
arranged according to chapters, each dealing with a single legal issue.
Similarly, Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani’s Kitab al-as/ al-ma ‘rif bi al-
 Mabsiit relates the sayings of ImamAbiHanifa and AbiYisuf in an
 Organized and scholarly manner, enumerating sub-topics and expounding his
 own views, only occasionally mentioning proofs.** The same is true of Abi
 Yisuf’s Kitab al-khardj, which the author composed at the request of the
 caliph Hariin al-Rashid.”? The book is concerned with a specific subject, is
 divided into several parts, with each part having further subdivisions; the
 author of this book employs technical terms of hadith and figh (such as al-
 tarjih,ahlal-Hijaz,ahlal-Madina,ashabuna,haddathana,haddathani,
 ruwwina, balaghana, nagalahu ilayna rijalun ma ‘rifun ... etc.).
On the basis of this, our work could possibly be earlier than the works
just mentioned above, since it is most likely the case that at an initial stage
 legal compilations were not arranged chapter by chapter. The development
 that saw such compilations include authoritative arguments and certain
 Opinions being given more weight than others, did not take place until the
 second half of the second century A.H. at the earliest. This is indicated by the
 fact that Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybant, one of the earliest and most
 prolific authors of the Hanafi school arranged most of his works himself, as
 attested by the transmitter of al-Shaybani’s al-Jami- al-saghir.° He also
 states that he did not arrange this work (a/-Jami' al-saghir) in the same way
he arranged other works, which allows us to deduce, along with other reasons
shown below, that the al-Jami'‘ al-saghir is one of the first works compiled
by Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani. Actually some Hanaf? biographers
State that al-Jami‘ al-saghir of al-Shaybani was the second book he wrote
amongst his tens of works.”’ Thus, we can see similarities, to some extent,
21 This study is not concerned with arguments about who was the first to write down
collections of hadiths and figh. Thus, I only refer to extant early works and books or
works made or said to have been put together by scholars: so for example, Majmii' al-
Sigh of Zayd b. ‘Alf (d. 122/739), Ibn Ishaq, Abi Bakr b. Hazm, Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri,
Ibn Jurayj ... etc. are not cited, nor referred to in any comparisons made with our book.
22Mahmasani, Falsafat al-tashri‘ fi al-Islam, (Beirut 1961), p. 52.
23 Dutton, The Origins of Islamic Law, (Curzon 2002), p. 29-30.
24 See the editor’s introduction to Kitab al-asl al-ma'‘rif bi al-Mabsit of Muhammad b.
al-Hasan al-Shaybani, (ed. Abu al-Wafa’ al-Afghani), pp. 11-20.
25 Abi Yisuf, Kitab al-kharaj, (Cairo, al-Matba‘a al-salafiyya, 1352/1933), p. 3.
26 Al-Shaybani,al-Jami' al-saghir, at the margin of AbiYisuf’s Kitab al-kharaj, (1*
edn., Biilagq 1885).
27Al-Laknawi (Abii al-Hasanat), al-Fawa ‘id al-bahiyya fi tarajim al-Hanafiyya, (Cairo
134Chapter Four
with the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, specifically, the lack of any arrangement
(bearing in mind the date of composition). We also find that in both works
each matter begins with a chain of transmission. There are also very few
proofs for the opinions given in these two works, with the principal emphasis
being on the opinions of an individual scholar, Imam Jabir b. Zayd in the
Athar al-Rabi', and [mam Abi Hanifa in the Jami‘ al-saghir. As regards the
legal language, it is clearly more sophisticated in the latter work, and there
are certain legal questions dealt with in the second work that do not appear in
the first, such as the question of opening the daily prayer and of saying the
required dhikr or name of God when killing animals, in Persian,”* and the use
of certain expressions (al-qgada ’, al-ijza’, al-qiyas, al-istihsan),”? which are in
 effect technical terms of the principles of jurisprudence. This straightforward
 comparison serves to confirm that the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib is an early
 work, and even if it does not provide a precise date for its composition, it
 does reaffirm what I have been able to deduce from the legal peculiarities of
 early works compiled during the 2’ century of the Hijra.
Finally, we should not ignore one particular fact whichcould indeed
 provide evidence for establishing the date of this work. Namely, the fact that
 the work, in its enumeration of legal matters, does not mention or discuss any
 of the political currents or movements of the age (Khawarij, Shi'a, Murji'a or
 pro-Umayyad factions). Thus, the work does not mention any of the legal
 questions concerning the prerequisites for caliphal office, the oath of alle-
giance (bay ‘a), dismissal from office, rebellion against the ruler, and the rules
regarding affiliation and dissociation (al-walaya wa al-bara’a) etc. Nor do
we find those terms used in dogmatic discussions that appeared during that
period, such as al-i tizal, al-irja’ (suspension of judgement), gadar (‘free
will’) or jabr (‘predestination’).”°
It is also necessary, I think, to make a comparison between this Athar al-
Rabi‘ b. Habib and other works ascribed to him, in order to examine where
does this work fall within the overall works of al-Rabi‘. First, we may look at
the Athar al-‘agida that al-Rabi’ compiled on different disputed dogmatic
subjects and attached by Abi Ya‘qib al-Warjlant to the Musnad al-Rabi
after his arrangement or recasting of it. It is clear that Athdr al-Rabi' is earlier
than Athar al-‘agida. For the material of the latter work is well arranged
1324), p. 163.
28 Ibid., p. 10.
29 Ibid., pp. 11, 14, 17.
30 Al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-huffaz, 1:77, mentions people like ‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd, Wasil b.
‘Ata’, al-Jahm b. Safwan and Mugatil b. Sulayman as belonging to the beginning of the
Abbasid regime.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Fiqh Material135
 according to subject matter.*’It contains many theological issues that only
surfaced years later after the time of Athar al-Rabi‘. Also the chain of
 transmitters that is not often mentioned in the doctrinal traditions is longer
 than that of Athar al-Rabi' and it involves people of a later century than of
 the Athar al-Rabi‘, such as Abi’ Qubaysa, Muhammad b. Ya‘la, Bishr al-
 Marisi, Isma‘il b. ‘Ulayya and others of this generation.
Al-Rabi'’s other work Futyd al-Rabi' b. Habib which is still only extant
 in its manuscript’ form seems to be compiled by one of his students,
 possibly Abi Sufyan Mahbib b. al-Ruhayl. For at the beginning of each topic
 it starts with “wa sa‘altuhu ‘an ... fa gal ...” or “akhbirni ‘an ... fa gala ...” or
 “arayta in ...”. This work is also divided into chapters according to subject
 matters. This book does not commit itself to the opinions of Jabir b. Zayd but
 to later scholars such as Abii al-Muarrij, ‘Abd Allah b. “Abd al-'Aziz, Wa'il
 b. Ayyiib, Abii al-Muhajir and others who are contemporaries or even of a
 younger generation than al-Rabi. The topics discussed in this work also
 indicate that it is later than Athdar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. There are questions on
 “al-zawaj bi al-nahariyyat’ for instance, on which the husband stipulates that
 he will only come to his wife during the days (not the nights).°? Al-Rabi‘’s
 reply to this issue indicates that it is something that only occurred later in his
 life. He said “lam yakun hadhda min sani‘ al-nas — this was not of the use of
the people”. Another example of such issues that have no mention in Athar
al-Rabi' is carving on trees and their fruits.**
Based on all of the above, I am prepared to suggest that this work was
composed during the first decades of the second century A.H. (i.e. circa 100-
 130/719-748). This claim may find further support from one other issue on
which I will depend for the dating of the work.
3) The Historical Events Mentioned in the Work
The historical topics that have found their way into the work as political
events are few and far between, and mostly took place during the Umayyad
period, up until the time of the caliph ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. I list these
events here in their chronological order:
31Some contemporary researchers think that the arrangement of this work was carried out
by al-Rabi himself, see al-Biisa‘Idi, Riwayat al-hadith ‘inda al-Ibadiyya, (Oman
2000), p. 125-126.
32 The same collection of works in which Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib is extant, contains this
book of Futya al-Rabi'’, however, I referred for my citations here to the second Tuni-
sian Copy (T2).
33T2: f. 499. Note that I used the numbering that appears at the top of folios of the Ms for
there are mistakes on the numbering that appears at the bottom of the folios.
34 T2: f. 499-500.
136Chapter Four
1)The assassination of the third caliph ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan in the year
35 A.H. (tradition [18]).
2)The revolt of Talha and al-Zubayr (the Battle of the Camel) in the
year 36/656 (traditions [18] and [286]).
3)The revolt of Mu‘awiya b. Abi Sufyan and the Battle of Siffin in the
year 37/656 (tradition [286]).
4)The caliphate of Yazid b. Mu‘awiya (d. 64/683), (tradition [290]),
based on what Ibn Hajar mentions in his Fath al-bari.”
5)The bay‘a of ‘Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad in the year 64/683 (tradition
(303}).
6)The revolt of ‘Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr and his war against al-Hajjaj
around the Meccan sanctuary in the year 73/692 (tradition [248]).
7)The revolt of ‘Abd al-Rahmaan b. Muhammad b. al-Ash‘ath in the
year 81/700 (tradition [296]).
8)The story about a man who married his son’s wife at the time of
‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan (d. 86/705) (tradition [153]).
9)The death of Jabir b. Zayd in the year 93/711 (tradition [314]).
10)The caliphate of ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-Aziz (99-101/717-—719) (tradi-
tion [262]).
11)Finally, there is a report transmitted by al-Dahhak b. Muzahim
(tradition [277]). There is disagreement over the date of his death,
which is variously given as 102/720, or 105/723, or 106/724.*°
 The above mentioned are all of the political events that I have been able to
 discern from the text of the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. As is clear, all of these
 events go back to the end of the first and the beginning of the second century
 A.H.”’ This does not necessarily mean that al-Rabi‘ compiled the work soon
 after this period. But we know that the Ibadis were able to establish a state (or
 states)’ towards the end of the Umayyad period, independent from the
 central Umayyad government. Al-Rabt’ b. Habib was the leader, in terms of
 knowledge and spiritually, of the Ibadis at that time, but we do not find any
 allusion to matters concerning the organization of the state, its problems or its
 35 See Notes and Comments, [290].
 36 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a ‘lam al-nubala’, 4:598-600.
 37 Cf. Schacht, J., and C. E. Bosworth (eds.), The Legacy of Islam, (2TM edn.), p. 406.
 38 The first Imamate is that of Talib al-Haqq ‘Abd Allah b. Yahya al-Kindt in Yemen in
the year 129; the second is the one established in Oman by al-Julanda b. Mas‘id in 132;
and the third was led by Abii al-Khattaéb ‘Abd al-'Ala’ b. al-Samh al-Ma‘afiri in al-
Maghrib in 144 later succeeded by Imam ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Rustam in the year 160 in
Tahart. See. al-Salimi, Tuhfat al-a ‘yan, (Cairo 1931), 1:72-86, and E. C. Ross, Annals
of Oman, (1984), p. 12; cf. Watt, ‘Kharigism under the ‘Abbasids’, in: Recherches d’
Islamologie, (Louvain 1978), pp. 383-384, 386-387.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material137
 leading personalities. We do find, however, a certain amount of caution and
 wariness involved in the selection of topics and the attribution of opinions to
 the persons in question.
From all these points deduced at |), 2) and 3) above, it appears that there
 are satisfactory reasons to conclude that al-Rab1’ b. Habib compiled the work
 (Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib) before the establishment of an independent Ibadt
 State, 1.e. before 132/749. Naturally, this cannot be a definitive dating, since it
 is based on my analysis and investigation of the text, and not on any explicit
 Statement about whenal-Rabi’compiledthe work;I do not think that such
 evidence exists. However, I feel that scholarly analysis permits me to suggest
 the above dating with confidence.
 II) Authorities Transmitting the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
 Both chronological and bibliographical information are required to help us to
 further understand this early Ibadi work. The importance given to trans-
mitting the book requires some information on the transmitters. There are
difficult problems about the order in which to give to the biographies of the
transmitters. The logical one of putting them in the order they occur in the
text is found by many to be difficult. This leaves two alternatives: (a) to put
them in alphabetical order; (b) to put them in chronological order. Chrono-
logical order would be the better, but for the sad state of our knowledge of
when the majority of them actually lived. That limits us to alphabetical order.
However, a very tentative dating is attached, showing, on the basis of
present knowledge, an estimate of when most of these transmitters lived. In
one case I argue that even this is not possible, and there are just question
marks. This information has been separated from the main section of
transmitters becausethe quality of the evidenceis quite different.It is
possible that further research will eventually clarify some of these dates, but I
am not optimistic.
Where recent studies have thrown light on figures extant in the list*’ |
have not repeated that information but given cross-references to those works.
39 A comprehensive work worth mentioning is Mu ‘jam a‘lam al-Ibadiyya min al-qarn al-
awwal al-hijri ila al-‘asr al-hadir — qgism al-Maghrib al-‘arabi, by M. Baba ‘Ammi, I.
Bahhaz, M. Baji, and M. Sharifi in two volumes published in 2000 by Dar al-gharb al-
islami, Beirut. There is also Appendix 1: The Ibadi leaders in Basra in Zimmermann
and Crone, The epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan, (OUP 2001), as well as the work of al-
Battashi, /thaf al-a ‘yan fi tarikh ba‘d ‘ulama’ ‘Uman, 2 volumes, (Muscat 1998); Sagqr,
al-Imam Jabir b. Zayd al-Azdi wa atharuh fi al-hayat-il fikriyya wa al-siyasiyya, (a MA
thesis submitted to the University of Al al-bayt of Jordan, 2000).
138Chapter Four
1. ‘Abbas b. al-Harith
The only source to mention this name is al-Siyar of al-Shammakhi.*” But
unfortunately he only puts him under his list of unknown transmitters from
Jabir b. Zayd,from whomal-Rabi‘reported. This enablesus to place him
somewhere between Jabir and al-Rabi‘; or in other words he is of the
category of Abii ‘Ubayda Muslim and Dumam (see below). Note that this
person could be the transmitter of tradition [294] where he is named as Abt
al-Harith.
 2. Abi al-Ashhab Ja far b. Hayy4n
 Unlike most of the transmitters of Athar al-Rabi‘, Abt al-Ashhab Ja‘far b.
 Hayyan al-‘Utaridi is well reported in most Sunni authorities on the identi-
 fication of hadith transmitters. He is a famous blind Basran traditionist, born,
 according to unconfirmed records, as al-Dhahabi set it out, in the year 70
 A.H. He died in 163 or 165 A.H."' He reports from many of the tabi ‘In and
 was in turn reported by many distinguished transmitters of the following
 generation. Ahmad b. Hanbal described him as thiga and sadiig and Yahya b.
 Ma‘in also vouched for his credibility.“” Further al-Dhahabi described him as
al-imam al-hujja.” He is also one of the transmitters used by al-Bukhari and
Muslim.” The Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib contains only two traditions on his
authority, [320] and [321]. These are insufficient to allow us to determine his
doctrinal background — although it seems likely that he is Sunni in view of
the high appreciation given to him in most if not all Sunni references, on the
one hand, and the Ibadi neglect of him on the other.
3. Abi Ayyib Wa il b. Ayyab al-Hadrami
As mentioned above, it is extremely difficult to write about many early Ibadi
figures. Usually no specific dates are given, and the biographical details are
sometimes confusing. Wa il b. Ayyib falls into the category of those about
whom no specific dates can be attested. Al-Darjint placed him in the same
category as al-Rabr’ b. Habib, i.e. the fourth category (150—200/767-815)
and described him as being ‘his mate and successor — sinw al-Rabi‘ wa til-
40 Al-Shammakhi, op. cit., 1:111.
41 Al-Bukhari, op. cit., 2:189, 363; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., 2:476; Ibn Zubar al-Rab’1,
Mawilid al-‘ulama’ wa wafayatuhum, (Riyadh 1990), 1:379.
42 Ibn Abi Hatim, ibid.
43 Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a‘lam al-nubala , 7:286, and see also Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-mizan,
7:380.
44 Al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, Tasmiyyat man akhrajahum al-Bukhari wa Muslim, (Beirut
1987), 1:89.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material139
wuh’.”> This means that he was a student of Abi‘Ubayda and a contem-
 porary, though probably younger, of al-Rabr (d. 175-180/791-796). Zim-
 mermann and Crone seem sceptical about this because of his role in
 Hadramawt at the time of the revolt of Talib al-haqq (‘Abd Allah b. Yahya
 al-Kindi) 129-130/746-748."° However, I would place WA’ il’s lifespan in an
 earlier time than the one suggestedby them(100s—190/720s-—810).My
 Suggested dates are 90s—185/710s—800. We find a frequent mention of Wa’il
 In al-Darjini’s third category (100—150/718-767). He was involved in the
 above mentioned revolt of Talib al-haqq, he gave fatwas to Abi al-Hurr b. al-
 Husayn and he consulted Abi MawdiidHajib”’ on certain events that took
 place in Hadramawt.** All these people are considered to belong to the
 generation of Abi ‘Ubayda. This estimate will give him a short period of
 time as a leader of the Ibadis in Basra. This is the probable reason why there
 is no indication of his role as a leader in the early Ibadi sources. His
 leadership is mentioned by the late al-Salimi’’ and Ennami,” both without
 disclosing their sources of information and the authority for this assertion.
 Neither organisational decisions nor known students are ascribed to Wa’il b.
 Ayyub. This, however, does not mean that I underestimate his role or that I
 doubt his leadership; it only means that a short period of leadership is the
 most likely probability in the case of Wa’il.
4. Abia Bakr b. Na‘4ama
This is possibly Yazid b. Na‘ama al-Dabbi mentioned by many authorities,”!
though he does not appear in them with the name of Abt Bakr. Instead he is
known as Abi’ Mawdiid. However, he is a Basran transmitter of Anas b.
 Malik, to whom the only tradition of Ibn Na‘ama in our book, [314], is
 linked, and also from whom ‘Umar b. Farrikh,* who appears in tradition
 [318], he has transmitted. This makes me think that he is the transmitter we
are looking for. Most sources consider him a /abi 7 although he did transmit
one Prophetic hadith directly from the Prophet.”
45Tabagat, 2:278.
46 Epistle, p. 308.
47 Al-Battasht says that Hajib died before Abi ‘Ubayda (/thdaf al-a ‘yan, 1:212).
48 For this information see al-Darjini, op. cit., pp. 2:261, 271, 251 respectively.
49Who was the source of Crone and Zimmermannin their list of Ibadi leaders at Basra
(Epistle, p. 301, note 1).
50 Ennami, Studies, Ch. V., p. 138.
51 Al-Bukhari, op. cit., 8:351, 363; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., 4:32, 9:292; Ibn Hajar, Tah-
dhib al-tahdhib, 11:319.
52. Al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamal, 32:255.
53 Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, a/-Jsti‘ab, 4:1580.
140Chapter Four
5. Aba Nah Salih al-Dahhan
Abii Nih Salih b. Nah al-Dahhan is from Basra.** He is believed to be one of
Jabir’s great students to the extent that al-Rabi' (see above) listed him as one
of his teachers beside Abi Ubayda and Dumam.”° This is also clear from
Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. Non-Ibadi sources have good accounts of him as
well.” Yet no precise dates are given about his lifetime, though he is
considered among the scholars of the first half of the second century. The
following works give abundant information about Abii Nuh:
al-Rashidi, al-ImamAbi‘UbaydaMuslimb. Abi Karimaal-Tamimi
wa fighuh, pp. 601-603; Mu‘jama‘lam al-Ibadiyya min al-qarn al-
awwal al-hijri ila al-‘asr al-hadir — gism al-Maghrib al-‘arabi,
(Beirut 2000), p. 234; Ennami (ed.), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, (Beirut
1974), pp. 109-110.
 6. Abii al-Ruhayl Mahbib b. al-Ruhayl
 It should be re-emphasised that our book is the only source to name Mahbiib
 b. al-Ruhayl as Abi al-Ruhayl. Otherwise he is mostly known as Abi
 Sufyan. I have pointed out earlier’ that both names are for the same person.
 Excellent biographies of him are to be found in the following sources:
al-Rashidi, op. cit., pp. 242-244; Crone and Zimmermann, op. cit.,
pp. 309-315 (where he is wrongly referred to as Mahbib b. al-Rahil),
and al-Battashi, Ithaf al-a ‘van, (2TM edn., Oman 1998), 2:217-219.
7. Abii Sufra ‘Abd al-Malik b. Sufra
Although this name is prominently quoted in many early Ibadi sources, not
much is known about him. The only detailed study is that of Ibrahim Bu
Larwah at the Institute of Islamic Sciences in Muscat as a graduation
requirement as recent as 2002. His study ‘Min Jami’ Abi Sufra wa fighih’ is
unpublishedyet but I do havea copy.Thereis also a brief passagein
54 Ibn Sallam, Bad’ al-Islam wa shara’i‘ al-din, 134.
55 Al-Darjint, op. cit., 2:254; al-Shammakhi, op. cit., 1:82.
56 Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-mizan, (Beirut 1986), 3:178; Ibn Abr Hatim, al-Jarh wa al-ta‘dil,
(Beirut 1952), 4:393; Ibn Hibban, al-Thiqat, (1“ edn., 1975), 7:665.
57 See Notes and Comments, [257].
58 Unlike al-Salimi, Crone and Zimmermann, al-Battashi rightly argues that the dispute
between Mahbib and Harin b. al-Yaman took place during the reign of Imam Ghassan
b. ‘Abd Allah (d. 207/822) and not Muhanna b. Jayfar (226-237/841-852), see [thaf,
2:219. This of course solves what Zimmermann and Crone tried with difficulty to solve
(cf. Epistle, 311).
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material141
 Francesca, La fabbricazione degli Isndd nella Scuola ibadita: il Musnad ar-
 Rabi‘ b. Habib.”
It is important, I] think, to point out first that Abi Sufra was cited in both
 early and recent materials to be the key transmitter and the one responsible
 for recording Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. Al-Sa‘di (thirteenth/eighteenth
 century) says, without mentioning his source, that he is from Basra®’ or an
 Omani settled in Basra”. His dates are problematic, for many researchers”
 consider him a student of al-Rabi', while no direct transmission is recorded
 between the two men. A good example of that is Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib
 which he transmitted through an intermediary — al-Haytham — from al-Rabr’.
 Thus Bi Larwah arguesTM that he is not a student of al-Rabi‘ but of his
 successors (Wail b. Ayyiib and Abi Sufyan Mahbib, see below). He extends
this argument and suggests that Abi Sufra was born in the last third of the
 second century and died in the first third of the next century (170-230). His
argument would have been plausible if I had not found the following
quotation in Bayan al-shar’ where al-Kindi says, “wa min Jami’ Abi Sufra
 ‘an al-Rabi' qultuandin another place he says, “wamin Jami’ Abi
Sufra ‘an Hammad ‘an Ibrahim wa ‘an al-Rabi‘ annahum qalu ...”°°. Ob-
viously, neither Hammad nor Ibrahim transmit on the authority of al-Rabi'
but Abi Sufra could and that is why he says “wa ‘an’. There are actually a
handful of places®’ that one can trace in Athar al-Rabi‘ of this pattern which
makes it quite possible that Abii Sufra had met al-Rabi’ for a short while
before al-Rabi died. Therefore I would suggest an earlier birth date than Bi
Larwah that is to say he was born somewhere around 160 and agree with his
conclusion about the time of his death.
Finally there are two points I would like to make here. First it is
important not to confuse this AbuSufra with AbiSufra the father of the
Muhallabidfamily.For the latter, seeIbnHajar, al-Jsa@ba, 6:387,and Ibn
59 In “Law, Christianity and Modernism in Islamic Society”, Proceedings of the eigh-
teenth Congress of the Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants held at Katho-
lieke Universiteit Leuven, p. 46-47.
60 Al-Shammakhi, Siyar, 1:109; al-Salimt, Sharh al-jami'‘ al-sahih, 1:4, and al-Lum‘a al-
murdiyya, 19; Ennami (ed.), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, p. 113.
61Al-Sa‘dt, Qamis al-shari‘a, 8:357.
62 Al-Rashidi, al-Imam Abu ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karima al-Tamimi wa fighuh, p. 27,
f. 4.
63 Mu‘ammar, al-Ibadiyya bayna al-firag al-Islamiyya, p. 29; Ennami, /oc.cit., and al-
Busa'‘idi, Riwayat al-hadith ‘inda al-Ibadiyya, p. 55.
64Op. cit., )-C.
65Al-Kindi, Bayan al-shar’, 45:7-8.
66Ibid. 43:224.
67Ibid. 35:18.
142Chapter Four
Hibban, al-Thigat, 4:400. The second is his role in transmitting Musnad al-
Rabi‘ b. Habib. For it is so far unclear who took the initiative of transmitting
that Musnad from al-Rabi and committed it to writing except for an uncer-
tain snippet of information given by al-Shammakhi that Abi Sufra “could be
its narrator”.”” This, if reliable of course, indicates a great service to the Ibadi
hadith in addition to his general contribution to [badt scholarship.
8. Abii Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karima
Abii ‘Ubayda is the successor of Jabir b. Zayd in the leadership of the Ibadis.
The date of his death is disputed, but the most convincing one is that he
passed away shortly after 150/767. Fortunately he has been well studied,
though most of this work is not known to many Western scholars.” I shall
 not give his biographyin detail, but recommendthe comprehensivePhD
 thesis of Mubarak al-Rashidi, al-Imam Abu‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karima
 al-Tamimi wa fighuh (published in Oman 1993) which fills almost 700 pages,
 along with references cited in Mu ‘jam a‘lam al-Ibaddiyya min al-qarn al-
 awwal al-hijri ila al-'asr al-hadir — qism al-Maghrib al-‘arabi, pp. 418-420
 (Beirut 2000).
 9. ‘Amara b. Habib
‘Amara b. Habib is one of the people that al-Shammakhi listed as majahil
 (unknown) transmitters of Jabir b. Zayd. There is, however, some infor-
 mation to be got from his traditions in the Athar al-Rabi“. In tradition [315]
 he states that he heard from Dumam (see below), and in the other one [316]
 he is transmitting from his father Habib on accompanying Jabir to a Friday
 prayer. This indicates that he is of the same generation of Dumam and his
father’s surprise action of performing Friday prayer with al-Hajjaj could be a
clue of his Ibadism as well.
10. ‘Amara b. Hayy4n
‘Amara b. Hayyanwas an orphan brought up in Jabir’s care.’? He was in
addition a student of Jabir, and accompaniedhim on his travels.’' Al-Rabi'
described him as “kana al-shaykh {’Amara] ‘aliman sadiqan — he was a
truthful scholar”. He passed on the knowledge he gained from Jabir to later
68 Al-Shammakhi, op. cit, 1:109.
69 Zimmermann and Crone in their Epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan, Appendix 1, have made
thorough use of most works, both Arabic and Western, on writing about Abii ‘Ubayda,
but nevertheless they seem to be unaware of the work of al-Rashidi mentioned above.
70 Al-Shammakhi, al-Siyar, 1:88.
71 This is said by both al-Darjini, Tabaqat, and al-Shammakhi, Siyar, and is apparent in
our book, see for example, traditions [258], [259] and [293].
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material143
generations like Abii ‘Ubayda, al-Rabt’... etc. (cf. Mu ‘jam a‘lam al-Ibadiyya
 minal-garnal-awwalal-hijri ila al-‘asr al-hadir— qismal-Maghribal-
arabi, p. 299). We can place him at the late first and early second century
 A.H., based on him being a source of transmission from Jabir to his great
 Students.Thereis a mentionof himin non-Ibadiauthoritiessuch as al-
 Bukhari, al-Tarikh al-kabir, 6:503. Ibn Hibban considers him in his ai-
Thigat, 7:262, and Ahmad b. Hanbal in al-‘Ilal wa ma rifat al-rijal, 3:12
 where he confirms that ‘Amara transmits from Jabir and Abi ‘Ubayda
 transmits from him [‘ Amara] (cf. al-Dhahabt, Mizan al-i tidal fi naqd al-rijal,
 5:211).
11. Dumam b. al-Sa’ib
 Dumam b. al-Sa’ib al-Nadbi is from a family of Omaniorigin but born in
 Basra.” He belonged to the second generation of [badi scholars, that is to say
 the early disciples of Jabir b. Zayd. He reached a respected scholarly rank”? at
 the time of Abi‘UbaydaMuslimb. Abi Karima,the secondIbadi leader.
 Dumam is one of the most distinguished of Jabir’s students to the extent that
 it has been said that “he studied more with Jabir than did Abi ‘Ubayda
 Muslim b. Abi Karima”.”* Although his role is relatively minor in the famous
Musnad al-Rabi‘,” his contribution in the book under study, Athar al-Rabi'
6. Habib, points to his close relationship with Jabir. Non-Ibadi sources
repeatedly refer to Dumam, always with the view that he is a reliable trans-
mitter.’°
Dumam was imprisoned by al-Hajjaj (governor of Iraq, 76—95/695—714)
along with his fellow and great companion Abi ‘Ubayda.’” More details on
Dumam’s life can be found in:
al-Qanniibi, a/-Rabi' b. Habib, makanatuh wa musnaduh, (Oman
1995), pp. 37-38; al-Rashid1, al-Imam Abu ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi
Karima al-Tamimi wa fighuh, pp. 599-601, and the references cited
by Ennami (ed.), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, p. 112 along with references
mentioned here in the footnotes.
72 Ibn Maddad, Sira, ms. no. 156 of the catalogue of Ministry of Heritage and Culture,
Oman, p. 6, and Ibn Sallam, Bad’ al-Islam wa shara i al-din, p. 114.
73Al-Darjint, al-Tabaqat, 2:246—-247.
74 Al-Shammakhi, al-Siyar, vol. 1, p. 81.
75 He transmitted no more than three traditions there.
76 Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-‘Jlal wa ma ‘rifat al-rijal, 2:56 and 3:11; al-Bukhar, al-Tarikh al-
kabir, 5:173.
77 Al-Daryjint, op. cit., 2:247; al-Shammakht, /oc. cit.
144Chapter Four
12. Hammamb. Yahya
There is no mention of this name except in al-Shammakhi’s list of unknown
transmitters.’* The readings of the Tunisian MSS provide us with the name of
Hammam b. Yahya who ts well identified in many non-Ibadt references.” He
is a trustworthy Basran transmitter who died in 163 or 164 A.H.%” Some
authorities, although accepting his narrations, did question his memory.” He
narrates from many tabi ‘in such as al-Hasan, Ibn Sirin, ‘Ata’, Nafi', Qatada
and Yahya b. Abt Kathir.”However, he is not mentioned elsewhere, except
possibly in al-Shammakht’s list — but there the name is given as Dumam b.
Yahya, almost certainly an error.
 13. al-Haytham
This is an unfamiliar name in Ibadi sources. From my reading I think Athar
al-Rabi‘ b. Habib is the only Ibadi work to cite his name. However, a careful
 search on ‘books of rijal’ (sources of biographies of transmitters of hadith)
 throws up many transmitters with the name of al-Haytham. Fortunately one
 of them only, al-Haytham b. ‘Abd al-Ghaffar, is said to have transmitted
 from al-Rabib. HabibandDumam.It is likely that he is the one weare
 looking for, as none of the other Haythams is mentioned in connection with
 al-Rabi, Dumam and Jabir b. Zayd. Furthermore, he is from Basra and said
 to be “the most knowledgeable of Jabir’s opinion”.®’ No date is given about
 his life except that he is a transmitter of al-Rabt', Dumam, Qatada, Hammam
 b. Yahya and some others.” Yet all authorities of ‘ilm al-rijal have a poor
 opinion of this man and they reject his hadiths and call him a liar. This
 could mean that he is not an Ibadi, for these sources assume that Ibadis are
 Khawarij whose hadith is at the highest level of credibility.°° Apart from the
 discussions on his credibility found in these sources, it seems that Abi Sufra
 had a favourable view of al-Haytham that convinced him to rely in his trans-
78 Al-Shammakht, a/-Siyar, 1:111.
79 Al-Bukhant, op. cit., 8:237; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., 9:107.
80 Ibn Zubar al-Rab’‘t, op. cit., 1:378.
81 Al-Suyiti, Tadhkirat al-huffaz, (Beirut 1983), 1:93, and al-Dhahabi, Man tukullima fih,
(1“ edn., 1986), 1:188.
82 Cf. al-Dhahabti, op. cit., 7:296.
83 Ibn Hajar al-' Asqalant, Lisan al-mizan, 6:208; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad,
14:55.
84 Ibid.
85 Al-‘Aqili, Abi Ja‘far, al-Du ‘afa’ al-kabir, 4:357, Ibn Abt Hatim al-Razt, al-Jarh wa
al-ta ‘dil, 9:85; Ybn al-Jawzi, al-Du'‘afa’ wa al-matrukin, 3:179; al-Dhahabi, Mizan al-
i ‘tidalfi naqd al-rijal, 7:110—-111.
86 Al-Suyiti, Tadrib al-rawi, 1:326; Ibn Hajar, Muqaddimat fath al-bari, 1:432-433, and
al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, al-Kifaya fi ‘ilm al-riwaya, 1:130.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material145
 missions particularly on the opinions of Jabir b. Zayd. From the names given
 as al-Haytham’s authorities, it is possible that he was a late second early third
 century A.H. figure.
 14. Hayyan al-A ‘raj al-‘Amiri
 Hayyan al-‘Amiri (or al-Ghafiri according to some sources) is a Basran
 student of Jabir. Not much is known about his role although he seems to have
 achieved a respected scholarly position at his time. | mentioned earlier in this
 study*’ that there seems to be a slip of the pen in his name as mentioned by
 al-Shammakhi in a list of unknown transmitters of Jabir.** He is of the tabi ‘a
 al-tabi‘inauthentictraditionistsaccordingtoIbnHibbanandYahyab.
 Ma‘in.”’ Further information can be found in the following sources:
Mu jam alam al-Ibadiyya min al-qarn al-awwal al-hijri ila al-‘asr al-
hadir — gism al-Maghrib al-‘arabi, (Beirut 2000), p. 132; Ennami
(ed.), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, (Beirut 1974), p. 114; Ennami, Studies,
p. 66; al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamal, (Beirut 1980), 7:476—-477; Ibn
Hajar (al-‘Asqalant), al-Jsdba, (Beirut 1992), 2:219, and al-Rashidi,
op. cit., p. 593-594.
 15. H4zim (or al-H4zim) b. ‘Umar
External sources do not provide us with any information about this trans-
mitter. However the Athar al-Rabi‘ enables us to pick out some details about
him. From tradition [294] onwards up to [313] there appears to be a sufficient
connection between him and Tamim b. Huways (see below) to conclude that
they were contemporaries. I would even argue that he is an Ibadi, for many
traditions he transmitted are peculiar to the [badi law or the Ibadi political
stance. Of the first category we find traditions [297], [298], [299], [304] and
[306] that are dealing with gasr al-salat from an Ibadi perspective. There is
also tradition [301] which shows the strict Ibadt view on wiping over foot-
wear. And on the political side, there is firstly a tradition, [296], where he
seems to have been hiding away during the revolt of Ibn al-Ash‘ath. Then
after it was put down he immediately went to Jabir b. Zayd to ask him about
what had happened. Secondly, he is the narrator of a tradition, [303], which
presents undoubtedly a very Ibadi view on the bay at Ibn Ziyad. From this, |
87 See Notes and Comments, [253].
88 Al-Shammakhi, a/-Siyar, 1:111 says that al-Rabi’ depended on many distinguished
transmitters about whom we know very little, one of them is a man named Hassan (not
Hayyan) al-‘ Amiri.
89IbnHajar,Tahdhib al-tahdhib, 3:60;Ibn Abi Hatim,op.cit., 3:246; al-Hamawi,
Mu ‘jam al-buldan, 2:187.
146Chapter Four
think, it is fair to deduce that he is an I[badi, presumably Basran, narrator of
Jabir b. Zayd of the age of Tamim b. Huways or probably younger, as most
of his narrations in this book are from Tamim.
16. Jabir b. Zayd (Abd al-Sha ‘tha ) (d. 93/711-712)
Jabir b. Zayd has received tremendous attention from many scholars of diffe-
rent backgrounds. But in the light of the Athdr al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, a further
contributioncanstill bemade,particularlyabouthis date of death.We
already know the dispute on his death, the dates given are: 91/709, 93/711,
96/714,103/721and104/722. Let us examinesome related niceties offered
 by this work of al-Rabt’ b. Habib. The obvious information we first find 1s in
tradition [314], which is explicit in stating that the death of Jabir was before
 that of Anas b. Malik (d. 93/711). Secondly, there is one tradition in Athar al-
 Rabi‘ ({262]) ascribed to “Umar II (d. 101/719), during his caliphate. The
 transmitter of this tradition is al-Rabt and not Jabir. If Jabir had been alive at
 that time he would have been the transmitter, or his opinion on the legal issue
 discussed in the tradition would have been quoted.
Relevant to this is that there is no record of Jabir being involved, in any
 way, in the Ibadi delegation to Umar II, nor has a statement been reported
 from him about the result of this Ibadi mission.” I do not think that they
 would have taken this step without his consent if he was still alive at that
 time. In addition to information available in the Athar al-Rabi‘, it should be
 noted that the date of 93/711 as a death date of Jabir is recorded by his closest
and most distinguished student, Abii ‘Ubayda, in Musnad al-Rabi‘ b. Habib’'
and it is the opinion most adopted by muhaddithiin who were, mostly, more
accurate in such information than historians.”
However, there are strong sets of counter evidence to this opinion:
prison, this would surely have been noted. The implication is that either he
was not imprisoned or died after his release. The time of release, if there was
one, is hardly likely to have been before the death of al-Hajjaj (95/713).
It does not seemto methat Jabir wasimprisonedby al-Hajjajfor the
same reasons that Abii ‘Ubayda and his colleagues were. He was imprisoned
to prevent him from going to hajj.”° It is true, however, that Jabir was exiled
to Oman, but he could have returned to Basra during the time of al-Hajjaj.
There is no reason for al-Hajjaj to send him into exile except for the strong
90 Ibn Maddad, Sira, ms. no.156 of the catalogue of Ministry of Heritage and Culture,
Oman, pp. 7—10, and al-Darjini, Tabaqat, 2:232.
91 Al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, al-Jami'‘ al-sahih — musnad al-Rabi' b. Habib, p. 193.
92See al-Qanniibi, al-Rabi‘ b. Habib: makanatuh wa musnaduh, p. 25.
93 Al-Darjini, op. cit., 2:208, and al-Shammakhi, Siyar, 1:68.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material147
relations between the Muhallabids and Jabir.”* And we know that soon after
al-Hajjaj turned against the Muhallabids, probably after the death of ‘Abd al-
Malik b. Marwan (86/705), they got back-up from Sulayman b. ‘Abd al-
Malik. That could have made Jabir’s return to Basra possible.
It also means that there was a vacuum in the leadership of IbadT move-
ment between the death of Jabir and the release of Abt ‘Ubayda (after the
death of al-Hajjaj in 95/713) of no less than two years.
But, we should not forget that there were other Ibadi authorities who
studied under Jabir and were not less knowledgeable or intellectual than Abi
‘Ubayda, such as Suhar al-‘ Abdi, Ja‘ far b. al-Simak and Abt Mawdiid Hajib
b. Mawdiid,” who might have taken responsibility for looking after the
movement.
Locating Jabir’s death at the end of the first century H. definitely means
 that Abii ‘Ubayda’s tenure of leadership lasted unimaginably more than 50
 years.
This could be more problematic than the previous points. Yet there are
 traces of information, though they are far from certain, which indicate that
 Abii ‘Ubayda handed his authority to al-Rabt in the latest years of his life
 because of his illness. He assigned him as a mufti for the people during the
 season of hajj.”° It has been reported in many Ibadi sources that Abii ‘Ubayda
 towards the end of his life got the disease known today as hemiplegia.”
 Furthermore, Abii ‘Ubayda gave a strong recommendation to al-Rabi’ from
 which it can be perceived that al-Rabr’ took over during the life of Abi
 ‘Ubayda. Al-Darjini narrates that al-Rabi’ was once mentioned before Abi
 ‘Ubayda, Abii‘Ubayda then described him as ‘fagihunad wa imamundwa
 tagiyyuna’.”®
We could locate Jabir’s date of death somewhere between 93/711 and
 99/719 (the year ‘Umar II got into office) but the points mentioned above
hardly support such an assumption. Thus | feel the date of 93/711 is most
 likely to be the correct one.
94 El’, Ill, s.v. al-Ibadiyya, p. 649.
95Al-Darjini has a record of a story of courses of dhikr and tarbiya held by significant
Ibadi figures at Hajib’s house and a record of another story that shows that Hajib was
looking after his fellow Ibadis. One day he heard that there were secret congregations
of Ibadis held at the house of another Ibadi called “Abd al-Malik al-Tawil but they were
talking loudly and their neighbours were able to hear them. Having heard about that,
Hajib sent to them. They admitted what he had been told and said: ‘If you command us
not to do, we shall obey’ ... (see al-Tabaqat, 2:248-251).
96 Al-Darjini, op. cit., 2:245.
97 Ibid., 2:276.
98 Loc. cit.
148Chapter Four
The best sources to be consulted on other aspects of Jabir’s life are the
following:
Bakkish, Figh al-imam Jabir b. Zayd, (Beirut 1986); Ennami, Studies
in Ibadism,Ch. 2; Croneand Zimmermann,The epistle of Salimb.
Dhakwan, Appendix 1; El’, Ill, pp. 649-650, s.v. al-Ibadiyya; II,
p. 359-360, s.v. Djabir b. Zayd; Sami Saar, al-Imadm Jabir b. Zayd al-
Azdi wa atharuhu fi al-hayat al-fikriyya wa al-siyasiyya, (Oman
2000), and al-Battasht, /thaf al-a‘yan fi tarikh ba‘d ‘ulama’ ‘Uman,
1:74-85.
17. Jamil al-Khawéarizmi
The last two traditions in Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib contain the only citations
of this name. Elsewhere, there is no mention of such a transmitter. However,
there is an Ibadi scholar with the name of Abii Yazid al-Khawarizmi. His first
name is never mentioned, which makes the suggestion that the two names
belong to the same transmitter fairly reasonable. For they are both from
 Khawarizm and belong to the same time, that is the first half of the second
 century. Abi’ Yazid was a distinguished theologian who studied with Abi
 ‘Ubayda and played a significant role in spreading Ibadi principles and
 thought in Khawarizm.” Yet this remains an assumption that requires further
 investigation, as the two traditions extant in Athdr al-Rabi‘ are transmitted on
 the authority of Jamil from al-Rabi and W4 ‘il (see below) respectively.
 18. Al-Rabt b. Habib
 In recent years, many writers have made thorough studies of the life of Abu
 ‘Amr al-Rabi b. Habib al-Farahidt al-Azdi. The most detailed of these are:
 ‘al-Rabi‘ b. Habib; makanatuh wa musnaduh’ of the contemporary Omant
 traditionalist Shaykh Sa‘id b. Mabrtik al-Qannibi, and ‘a/-Rabi‘ b. Habib:
 muhaddithanwa fagthan’of al-Kabbawi,Umarb.Mas‘ud.Amongst
 westernscholars,I find that what Croneand Zimmermannwrote about al-
 Rabi’ in The epistle of Salim b. Dhakwan, Appendix | is the most
 comprehensive and accurate. All these sources are highly recommended for
 an excellent biography and identification of al-Rabi. I will not repeat what is
 mentioned there, but I would like to comment on two points deduced from
information provided by Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib. First, it would appear that
al-Rabi‘ lived in the time of (adraka hayatahu)'”° Jabir b. Zayd because there
99For more details, see al-Darjini, Tabaqdt, 2:258; al-Shammakhi, al-Siyar, 1:88, 143;
al-Rashid, op. cit., p. 247; Ibn Sallam, Bad’ al-Islam, p. 135.
100This phrase clearly means that their lives overlapped. However, it does not neces-
sarily imply that the two men ever met.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material149
 are three traditions in which he transmits from Jabir directly. These three are
 [245], [273] and [280]. In the first one he says: “sallaynd khalfahu [Jabir] fr
 Mina ... — we prayed behind Jabir [i.e. he led our congregation] at Mina ...”,
 and the other two, though not so explicit, bear witness to the claim that al-
 Rabi‘ belonged to the generation of Abi ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karima’”!
 (see above). Second, I would agree with Crone and Zimmermann that al-
 Rabi‘ b. Habib did not die in Oman but in Basra,'°* because the evidence for
the opposite argument'”’ does not stand up together. The claim that Miisa b.
Abt Jabir prayed over him when he died is taken out of its full context. Al-
 Kindi states “balaghand anna Masa b. Abi Jabir salla ‘ala al-Rabi‘ bi-Izki'TM
hina balaghahu mawtuhu bi al-Basra — it has been reported to us that Misa
b. Abi Jabir prayed over al-Rabi‘ at Izkt when he heard of the death of him in
Basra”.'” A similar statement is also ascribed to Abi Sa‘id al-Kudami.'”
This means that the prayer Misa performed over al-Rabr' is the so-called
salat al-gha’ib (performance of a funeral prayer away from the dead). The
Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib of course does not have any direct mention of this
issue, but we can see that all traditions of the book are from either Iraq or
Hijaz,andall transmittersof the book,althoughwithOmaniorigins, are
settlers in Basra.
On a completely different point, al-Rabt’’s father, Habib, is thought to be
a student of Jabir b. Zayd'®’ on the basis of a statement of al-Kindi'”* that
“Habib, al-Rabi‘’s father, was with Jabir one Friday. Jabir requested him to
accompany him to perform Friday prayer ...”. This story is mentioned by al-
Kindi without any sanad or citation of his source. The book of Athar al-Rabi'
b. Habib however, contains a similar tradition [316] narrated by ‘Amara b.
Habib (see p. 142 above) “that I heard my father say: I was with Jabir one
Friday ...”. This ultimately reveals that the man involved was Habib who is
the father of ‘Amara and not of al-Rabi’. The similarity in names probably
caused this confusion.
Along with references mentionedabove, the following sources are also
useful:
101On the contrary of the conclusion of Wilkinson, Early Development of the Ibadi
Movement in Basra, p. 246, n. 30, and Zimmermann and Crone, Epistle, p. 306.
102Op. cit., p. 308.
103Approved by most Omani historians and traditionalists. See op. cit.
104A town in the interior of Oman, not far from Nizwa.
105Al-Kindt, Bayan al-shar ‘, 16:188.
106Cf. Lubab al-athar, 2:165—-166.
107Al-Siyabt, Talagat al-ma‘had al-riyadi ‘ala atba’ al-madhhab al-Ibadi, p. 30; al-
Harithi, al- ‘Ugiid al-fidiyya, p. 150, and al-Qannubi, al-Rabi' b. Habib, p. 17.
108Bayan al-shar’, 15:71.
150Chapter Four
al-Rashidi, al-Imam Abi‘UbaydaMuslimb. Abi Karimaal-Tamimt
wa fighuh, (Oman 1992), p. 248-251 and the referencescited by
Ennami (ed.), Ajwibat [bn Khalfun, (Beirut 1974), p. 108.
19. Salim b. ‘Ubayd
After a careful search for this name, I could not find it. Neither Ibadi sources
nor Sunni authorities mention such a person. Moreover, the Egyptian copy of
the MS gives at the first mention of this transmitter his name as Sulayman
(not Salim) b. ‘Ubayd.'” Editing the text however, leads me to stick to the
name given in later traditions in the Egyptian copy and in all the readings of
the name in the two Tunisian copies. If, on the other hand, the name of
Sulaymanis the nght one, there is mentionof a Basran transmitter called
Sulayman b. ‘Ubayd al-Salami''° (al-Naji according to some)!!' from whom
Yahya al-Qattan (al-Hafiz) transmitted. This obviously places him at the late
first/early second century A.H., which is confirmed in our book in traditions
[291] and [292] whereconversations betweenhimand Jabir b. Zaydare
reported.
20. Tamim b. Huways
No extant early [badi sources of history and biographies deal with this name,
 although all the traditions he transmitted in this book''” make it apparent that
he is an Ibadi. However, Abu al-Mundhir Tamim b. Huways al-Azdi is a
 tabi i from Basra who transmitted from Ibn ‘Abbas and was an authentic
 reporter whose hadiths are accepted according to many Sunni authorities.’
 It would appear that Ibn Khalftin is the only source to introduce Tamim to
 Ibadi research workers,''* when he cites passages from Athar al-Rabi‘ b.
 Habib in his Ajwiba.
 21. Al-Walid b. Yahya
 This is another unknown transmitter from Jabir b. Zayd according to al-
 Shammakhi.'!'? Nonetheless, he has been identified in non-Ibadi sources as a
 Basran transmitter from Jabir, reported by Jarir b. Hazim.''®
109See footnote 487 of the edited text of the book.
110Al-Bukhan, al-7arikh al-kabir, 4:25; Ibn Abi Hatim, op. cit., 4:129.
111Ibn Hibban, op. cit., 6:392.
112See in particular [212], [260], [261], [295-313].
113. Al-Bukhari, al-Tarikh al-kabir, 2:154, 6:390; Ibn Hibban, a/-Thigat, 4:86; Ibn Abi
Hatim, al-Jarh wa al-ta‘dil, 2:441; al-‘Ajli, (Abi al-Hasan), Ma rifat al-thigdt,
2:257; Ibn Hajar, Ta ‘jil al-manfa‘a, 1:60.
114Ennami (ed), Ajwibat Ibn Khalfun, p. 113-114; Mu jam a ‘lam al-Ibadiyya, 2:106.
115bid.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material15]
22. Yahya b. Qurra
No information is available about him except that his name is provided in al-
Shammakht’slist of the mashdyikh that transmitted from Jabir and from
whom al-Rabi‘ transmitted.''’ So at least we can locate himin the same
generation as the last two narrators mentioned above.
A Step towards a chronology
NameDate
Jabir b. Zayd (Abd al-Sha'‘tha’)d. 93/711-—712
DA] MY BwNpy—
Abi Bakr b. Na'4ma1* century
Tamim b. Huwayslate 1° century
‘Amara b. Hayyanlate 1° / early 2" century
Dumam b. al-Sa ibfirst half of the 2"° century
‘Amara b. Habibfirst half of the 2° century
Abi ‘Ubayda Muslim b. Abi Karimad. shortly after 150
 COPAbi Nuh Salih al-Dahhanmid 2° century
Hazim (or al-Hazim) b. Umarmid 2" century
أت اس ادم إن إح اه اح اد |مم مات
Salim b. ‘Ubaydmid 2" century
al-Walid b. Yahyamid 2 century
Yahya b. Qurramid 2TM century
Hayyan al-A ‘raj al-‘ Amirimid 2TM century
Hammam b. Yahyad. 163 or 164
Abi al-Ashhab Ja‘ far b. Hayyand. 163 or 165
‘Abbas b. al-Harithsecond half of the 2TM century
al-Rabt’ b. Habibd. between 175 and 180
Abii Ayyub Wa’il b. Ayyiibd. About 185
Abi al-Ruhay! Mahbib b. al-Ruhayllate 2"° / early 3" century
Jamil al-Khawarizm1???
نمal-Haytham b. ‘Abd al-Ghaffarlate 2" / early 3TM century
الم: ا
Abii Sufra ‘Abd al-Malik b. Sufrad. about 230
611Al-Bukhari, al-Tarikh al-kabir, 8:157; Ibn Hibban, al-Thigat, 9:226, and Ibn Abi
Hatim, al-Jarh wa al-ta ‘dil, 9:21.
117Al-Shammakhi, /oc. cit.
152Chapter Four
III) Evaluation of Ibadi Figh Material in Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib
We have here a cohesive unmodified''* work that represents parameters of
what, not much later, developed into a ‘legal system’.''” Jabir b. Zayd, who is
at the heart of this work, is not a mere transmitter passing on traditions and
hadiths of his predecessors (Companions and the Prophet) as seen in Musnad
al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. Nor are his disciples blind receptionists of every single
opinion of him. The Athar al-Rabi‘ shows the capability of Jabir as a mujta-
hid instinctively using the techniques that were to become required scholarly
instruments to weigh different evidence before formulating his own opinions
that he put before his disciples. These disciples seem to have discussed his
legal precepts and questioned them every so often, which allowed them to
have a rich figh material. Soon after, this raw material was developed into a
corpus for the Ibadis in Islamic law and jurisprudence.It should not be
 misunderstood, however, that it is just a collection of the knowledge of Ibadi
 authorities or that it is disclosed only for Ibadis. On the contrary, the Athar
 al-Rabi' b. Habib displays material from a wide range of sources of know-
 ledge and not just the Ibadi community: there are Prophetic traditions, fatawa
 of the Companions, opinions of some Successors, and not least of all the
 great amount of Qur’anic topics discussed in the book. This feature, indeed,
 should earn special attention. It leads to a closer look at the Ibadi legal
 system and it definitely assists re-evaluating the preconceptions that many
 people, including, unfortunately, some scholars and researchers, have about
 Ibadi figh.
Ennami, in 1971, attempted to carry out an examination of Ibadi figh. He
 was successful in drawing a broader picture of Ibadi jurisprudence and law in
 terms of its general features, significant authorities, its origins, differences
 with other Sunni schools of law and its most important works.'”’ Although
 the work of Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib provides strong grounds for many of his
 findings, amongst the most significant is that the [badi school of law is one of
 the oldest, if not the oldest, surviving school of Islamic jurisprudence. !
 There are also other points to be madehere. Amongthe points I wish to
118Many scholars and researchers, Muslims and Westerners, have treated Ibadi figh as a
modified version of the Sunni legal system, see for example, Ibn Hazm, Maratib al-
ijma‘, and Nagd maratib al-ijma’ of Ibn Taymiyya, both in one volume, (ed. al-
Kawthari, Beirut n.d.), p. 14 f., and Schacht, /ntroduction, p. 16-17.
119Schacht, op. cit, pp. 3, 16.
120Studies, Ch. IV, Ibadi Jurisprudence.
121Loc. cit.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material153
examine here are the mutual attitudes of Jabir b. Zayd and his predecessors
and outstanding contemporaries on the one hand, and the Ibadi school of law
attributed to him, as many authorities confirm, '~” on the other.
It is apparent from the Athar al-Rabi‘ that Jabir b. Zayd’s part in Ibadism
received much attention within the community. The attitude of Ibadi tradition
 towardshimis unambiguous.Manyrecognisehim as the real founder of
Ibadismand manyothers as its intellectual founder.In either case, his
 opinions are at the highest level of approval. This approval, however, was not
 blind. There is good evidence that the teachings of Jabir were not always
 followed by Ibadis. The most clear examples in Athar al-Rabi‘ of this kind
 are:
 -First, his view that the marriage of minors is illegal (tradition [148]). Jabir
assumes the marriage of the Prophet to ‘A’ isha to be a special case that is
only allowed for the Prophet (min khusisiyyat al-rasul), and there is no
more explanation ascribed to Jabir of other practices of zawaj al-sighar as
in the case of ‘Umar b. al-Khattab and Umm Kulthiim bt. ‘Ali b. Abt
Talib whichis a famousinstance. '”° However,this opinion of Jabir has
not been accepted by Ibadi scholars from the time of Jabir’s students, and
his claim of khusiisiyya is considered baseless.
-Another example of this kind is to be found in Jabir’s opinions on some
of the conditions of tamattu' rite in hajj. His opinions, as explained in
Ch. III above [15] and [136], were felt strange and were unquestionably
rejected.'*4 Actually Jabir seems to have very detached, though corrobo-
rated, views on famattu‘. He does not lay down the obligation for some-
one to do ‘umra and hajj in the same journey; he considers a performer of
‘umra during the months of hajj as mutamatti’ even if he enters the rites
of ‘umra before the months of hajj. He also holds his own opinions on the
days that a mutamatti‘ who cannot afford an animal for sacrifice should
fast (traditions [16], [17] and [19]).
—Last in this category is his opinion on tradition [302] when he states that a
person could leave a congregation prayer if the imam recites long suras.
122See for example, Bakkish, Figh al-imam Jabir b. Zayd, pp. 26-29, 34-37; Schacht,
Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, pp. 260-261; Watt, The Formative Period
of Islamic Thought, (Edinburgh 1973), pp. 27-28 where he tried to harmonise the
two contradicting arguments of the relationship of Jabir to Ibadis by stating that
though Jabir’s “views were close to those of the Ibadites, he did not fully accept
them, but that they later claimed to be following him to give their doctrine greater
‘respectability’ in the eyes of the main body of Sunnites”.
123‘Abd- al-Razzaq, al-Mussannaf, 6:263-264.
124Atfayyish, Sharh al-nil, 4:60.
154Chapter Four
All these matters, extant in the Athdr al-Rabi‘, show that although Jabir
b. Zayd can be seen as the founder of this independent school of law, the
evolution of Ibadi figh developed in a wider attitude and more open atmo-
sphere than just to adopt Jabir’s teachings.
It is not unreasonable to say that the development of Ibadi law can be
seen as starting as early as the compilation of this work. For the Athar al-
Rabi‘ b. Habib provides us with significant indications of a formation of
consistent legal tenets. There are some standpoints that make Ibadis distinc-
tive in their figh, as far as Islamic law is concerned, as early as the time of
Jabir b. Zayd and his students, that is to say the beginning of the second
century A.H. Of these peculiar figh features is the disapproval of wiping over
footwear in wudu’. Jabir’s opinion mentioned in tradition [301] represents a
very [badi feature of figh. It is true that the same view is taken by individual
 Muslimauthorities, but noneof the Sunni schools of law accept it. It was,
 however, accepted by the Shi‘is, thus providing one of the few legal opinions
 common to Ibadi and Shi'i schools of law. Despite the common opposition to
 the Sunni view, the dispute between Ibadis and Sunnis, on this point, has
 never been as sharp and crucial as was that between Sunnis and Shi‘is.'”°
 Jabir’s view was strongly influenced by Ibn ‘Abbas, who was his great
 teacher. Ibn ‘Abbas rejected the practice, and he was followed in that by Jabir
 and the Ibadis followed him in that, no doubt strengthened in their view by
 that of ‘A’isha. She has been quoted reporting to the Prophet that he never
 wiped his feet and she wished to carry a knife and cut off her feet rather than
 wipe them.'*° Jabir himself denied that any of the Companions he met had
 done it or claimed that the Prophet had wiped his feet, he says: “I met plenty
 (jama ‘a) of the Companions of the Prophet and asked them if the Prophet had
 ever wiped his hands over his footwear, and they all said No”. Then Jabir
 commented: “How should we do so while God speaks to us (yukhatibuna) in
 His book about wudii‘ [of every limb] itself”.'?’
Another example extant in Athar al-Rabi’, of an Ibadi figh peculiarity, is
 the recital of only a/-Fatiha in zuhr and asr prayers. This, as is clear in tradi-
 tion [9], is another sign of an independent formation of figh which originated
 at the beginning of the second century and has remained an ‘unchangeable’
Ibadi principle of law since then, although it is not a central issue in religion.
 Other points are the disapproval of qunut in the prayer and also the distance
125Forasummary of Ibn ‘Abbas’ opinion and his evidence, see Madelung, “Abd Allah
b. ‘Abbas and Shi'ite Law”, in: Law, Christianity and Modernism in Islamic Society,
pp. 19-21.
126Al-Rabi‘’b. Habib,Musnad,1:62; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, 1:169; “Abd al-
Razzaq, op. cit., 1:221.
127Al-Rabi' b. Habib, Joc. cit.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material155
from which a traveller should shorten his prayer as well as for how long he
can stay doing so'”®. Apart from salat, we have seen earlier (Ch. III) that
Ibadis are consistent in treating the mukdatab as a free man from the time the
 contract of mukdtabais signed, see for example[55],[57], [104], [119],
[122], [124], [126], [130] and [287]. And on the contrary, their treatment of
 umm al-walad as a slave (traditions [37], [52], [102], [E1], [E2], [116] and
 [118]) contradicts the opinion of Sunni, but not Shi'1, schools of law.!”?
Of course, there are similarities in most figh matters between the Ibadi
 andSunni,and sometimesShi'T schools of law, but to haveall the above
 points, let us call them essentially 15301 legal features, in a relatively brief
 work of traditions indicates an early establishment of a developed system of
jurisprudence and law. This, it seems to me, is what a careful reader will
 recognise in the work of Athar al-Rabi' b. Habib. There are other differences
 between Ibadi figh and the majority of Muslim schools of law;'*’ and on one
 crucial point the work of Athar al-Rabi' allows us to conclude that there is no
 apparent link whatsoever with the later Zahirt school. It is therefore wrong to
 say, as Schacht did, that the “legal thought of the Zahiris, ... has certain points
 of resemblance with the doctrine of the Hanbalis and of the Traditionists in
general, but essentially it goes back to a literalist attitude which can be found
among the Kharijis”.’”|
The methodology Jabir b. Zayd followed in formulating his opinions can
also be traced in the Athar al-Rabi , albeit to a limited extent. His reference
to the Qur’an is clear in traditions [161], [169], [239], [273] and [293]. His
attitude to the sunna and hadith is articulated in a short, though significant
statement in tradition [238]. Many of his opinions are based on Prophetic
traditions as in [14], [27], [34], [79], (97], [114], [144], [269], [282] and
[315]. His appreciation of the opinions of the Companions and his attitude to
what he found them doing or approving of is also apparent in Athar al-Rabi'
b. Habib:Most of his opinions are actually ascribed to one or more of the
Companions such as Ibn ‘Abbas, ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar, ‘A’isha and Ibn
Mas‘id. However, Jabir seems to have his own criteria by which he deduces
his final legal judgment, but these are not clear from the Athar al-Rabi‘ b.
Habib alone. A further study will be required to elucidate them. In some
occasions he follows ‘A’isha, as we have seen in wiping over the footwear.
Yet on other occasions he followed Ibn ‘Umar as in tradition [159] where he
prefers the performance of an odd number of circumambulations around the
128For these three matters, see Ch. III, Notes and Comments,[320], [211] and [303]
respectively.
129Madelung, op. cit., pp. 17-19.
130Cf Ennami, Studies, pp. 103-112.
131Schacht, /ntroduction, p. 64.
156Chapter Four
Ka‘ba despite ‘A’isha’s preference of ‘the more the better’, and in tradition
[35] Jabir’s opinion is also in accordance with that of Ibn ‘Umar. Generally,
Jabir admits that he uses the ‘amal of the Companions as legal evidence:
when he was asked if a Muslim should ask about the source of ghee, he stated
“No, we found the Companions of the Prophet asking about cheese and not
about ghee” (tradition [300]). As far as analogical reasoning is concerned,
Jabir has been described by some scholars “as one who adopts opinion and
uses analogical deduction when there is no textual evidence”.'** I will not
attempt, within the limit of my focus on this section, to scrutinise the niceties
of this conclusion, but shall concentrate on its sphere preserved in the Athar
al-Rabi'. The most attractive example of this is tradition [292] when he was
asked to decide between doing hajj and obeying one’s father’s commandment
of not doing it. Jabir’s reply to the questioner explicitly indicates his metho-
dology of balancing between two religious obligations, performing hajj and
obeying parents. Jabir asked his questioner: “What if your father prevented
you from performing an obligatory prayer, would you then obey him?” The
 man said: “No”. So Jabir answered his question by saying that he ought not
to listen to his father, for hajj and salat are alike and should be treated
 similarly. There is also his opinion on performing prayer on the roof of the
 Ka‘ba, a point on which no textual evidence (from the Qur’an or hadith)
 survives. Jabir states that the person who does so has no gqibla; and thus it is
 not permissible to do so, as indicated in tradition [38]. We have also seen that
 Jabir made slave sisters equal to free sisters as far as marital, or tasarri and
 wat’ issues are concerned.'*> His solution to the woman who made a vow
 (nadhr) of spending a night dancing and singing when her father returns
 home, as in tradition [317], 1s obviously based on reasoning and individual
 opinions. Many other examples can be quoted from the Athar al-Rabi' b.
 Habib'TM to justify and confirm that Jabir retained the use of giyas and
 individual judgment when forming legal opinions on matters that have not
 been dealt with in the Qur’an and hadith. This inevitably became an essential
 part of the recognised methods and procedure of Ibadi jurisprudence and law.
 It could, additionally, explain the richness of Ibadi figh material throughout
 their history in general and from the first formative centuries of Islamic
 schools of jurisprudence in particular. Ibadis have evolved a crucial ruling, as
 far as methodology is concerned, that resulted in this richness and produc-
 tivity. This characteristic is referred to by Ennami when he says “‘to [badis the
 doors to individual judgment (ijtihad) have always been wide open; they
132Al-Kasani, Bada’i‘ al-sana’i‘, (ed. ‘Uthman), p. 67.
133See Ch. III, [241].
134E.g., [64], [101], [191], [199], [241], [268] and [281].
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material157
have never been locked at any stage for qualified persons”.'*° I think the
 Athar al-Rabi'b. Habibbears ampleevidence,as indicatedearlier, of the
freedom given to any knowledgeable person to practice ijtihdd and issue his
Own opinion even in contrast with his former respectable teacher. Conse-
quently, outstanding Ibadi fugahd’ have always been eager to have consi-
derable acquaintance with all Muslim legal literature. I have mentioned in
 passing earlier in Ch. I, that within the codex containing the work of Athar
 al-Rabi’ b. Habib, there are several parts of “aqwal ahl al-Kifa ‎مد
ala ‘ulama’ al-Ibadiyya — the opinions of the Kufans shown to Ibadi
 scholars”. Our work also contains a large number of explicit citations of the
 opinions of the Kufans, as well as, though not to the same level, opinions of
 others who have not been named.
In evaluating the figh material of the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, it is worth
 mentioning another characteristic observable in its traditions. Jabir b. Zayd is
 a distinguished authority amongst most Sunni schools of law. His opinions
 are prominently acknowledged in tafsir, hadith and figh.'*° Yet records of his
 Opinions are not always the same in Sunni and Ibadi references. There are
 some examples of such variant narrations of his legal opinions in Athar al-
Rabi’. In tradition [1] we have seen that Jabir’s view is that the death of one
 spouse before the procedure of /i Gn is complete means they are still under
their marital ties and therefore can inherit from each other. This is not the
same opinion that we find ascribed to him in external sources.'*’ On the same
subject of marriage and divorce, there is the question of whether khul‘ should
be considered repudiation or cancellation. The latter is Jabir’s opinion accor-
ding to the Athar al-Rabi' while the former is also attributed to him else-
where.'*® The most interesting example is tradition [175] which deals with
performing jam‘ prayers, for most scholars have agreed on the permissibility
of doing so for a traveller, yet Jabir has been quoted in some sources'”” as
specifying the allowance of doing jam’ prayer to Muzdalafa (or Muzdalifa
according to fewer sources) and ‘Arafa. Tradition [123] provides another
confirmation of this as well. However, this phenomenon could be interpreted
in many ways: first it could be that Jabir has on some issues more than one
opinion; second it is possible that a narrator misunderstands or forgets what
he has recorded; third it seems natural as we almost find such differences
with all Imams and leading figures. Above all, this could not, and should not,
discredit the authenticity of the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib. For most of the
135Studies, p. 99.
136A good account of this is to be found in Bakkish, op. cit., pp. 70-74.
137For details see Ch. II], Notes and Comments, [1].
138Ch. III, Notes and Comments, [173].
139Al-'Ayni, ‘Umdat al-gari, 7:150.
158Chapter Four
opinions ascribed to him are attested by other external sources, be it [badis or
Sunnis.
This survey, I believe, opens the way to a better understanding of the
material we have in the text of Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib and subsequently for
the understanding of the nature of Ibadism at its earliest phase within the
development of Islamic law in general. We have an early work rich in juristic
material showing the opinions of an authoritative, or to be more precise the
authoritative figure in his school deriving his legal opinions from the origins
of Islamic law in a very conceivable manner and passing it on to his students
in an unrestricted way. Jabir’s narrators, as apparent in the sanads of the
work in focus, are not always Ibadis. In particular, a major role of the trans-
mission of this work is carried out by al-Haytham b. ‘Abd al-Ghaffar, who is
a non-Ibadi.'“° His opinions, in addition, have not prevented his followers
from rejecting some of them and disagreeing between themselves over others.
This indicates that the general theory of Hallaq'*' concerning Sunni schools
cannot be comprehensively applied to Ibad1 figh. For, first and foremost,
there is no existence in Ibadi law of “a juristic doctrine clothed in the autho-
rity of the founding imam, the so-called absolute mujtahid’,'** nor were the
juristic discourse and hermeneutics “the product of this foundational autho-
 rity which was made to create a set of positive principles that came to define
 the school not so much as a personal entity of professional membership, but
 mainly as an interpretive doctrine to be studied, mastered, and, above all,
 defended and applied”.'*’ As far as Ibadis are concerned, this talk of defence
 and application is nonsense (and that appears to be the case for many Sunnis
 too). Second, it is not true for the I[badi school of law that this founding imam
 must be followed and whatever ijtihad capability a jurist can achieve ought to
 be limited to inter-madhhab ijtihad, which 1s indeed no more than a higher
 rank of taglid. And as Ennami concludes, “they [Ibadis] strongly opposed
 reliance on the teaching of a master (taglidy’.'“ “It 1s”, he adds, ‘“‘a duty of
 those who attain the required standard of knowledge to use their individual
judgement”.'” We have seen on different occasions in the Athar al-Rabi‘ b.
 Habib that immediately after the statement of Jabir comes a presentation of
 another Ibadi opinion that contradicts the statement of Jabir. Furthermore, it
 is clear from what has been discussed above that some of the opinions of
140See above, Biographies of Transmitters, p. 144.
141Hallaq, Authority, Continuity and Change in Islamic Law, (Cambridge 2001), pas-
sim.
142Op.cit., 236.
143Loc.cit.
144Studies, p. 99.
145Loc. cit.
Date, Transmitting Authorities, and Evaluation of the Figh Material159
 Jabir have never been approved of by the Ibadi school of law. This is also
 true of the next generations of Ibadi scholars. It is correct, nonetheless, that
 this feature, despite all its privileges, has not reflected what Hallaq describes
 as the ‘more determinate body of positive law’'“° observed in Sunni schools
 of law. This could explain the paucity of attention given to Ibadi figh unlike
 dogmatic, doctrinal and political entities or its historical backgrounds.
146Hallaq, Authority, p. 236.
CONCLUSION
In this study I have tried to put forward analytical views about a new dimen-
sion of Ibadism. My analyses were based on a newly discovered Ibadi work,
 Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, which appears to be one of the earliest works in
Islamic law. It originated with Jabir b. Zayd in Basra at the beginning of the
 second/eighth century. Jabir’s role in this work, unlike many other works
 ascribed to him or transmissions named after him, is not limited to reporting
 traditions of the Prophet or the Companions or the Successors, rather his role
 in this book is essentially as a knowledgeable authority, mujtahid, who has
 his own criteria that enabled him to practice ijtihad and pronounce his indi-
 vidual legal opinions in its wider sense. This ultimately makes the Athar al-
 Rabi’ b. Habib a good record of the early basic parameters of the knowledge
 and attitudes of the first influential IbadT founder.
Making accessible a text of a great historical and legal value is a neces-
 sary service for the whole field of Islamic scholarship, particularly, in the
 fields of sectarian studies (and nothing pejorative is implied in the use of the
word ‘sectarian’). For the picture of the formation of Muslim schools, the
characteristics that distinguish these schools and the role of certain authorities
 in the establishment of those schools cannot be, and should not be, solely and
properlyunderstoodwithoutan overallviewof all the componentsand
factors that were involved. Religious schools of thought and law were formed
gradually and often passively over long periods of time, depending on the
nature of the development of new ideas and opinions in life, and on the
events and incidents that took place, which were then submitted for analysis
under the principles of ‘established’ religious law (namely the Qur’an, the
sunna and the consensus) in order for a legal judgement to be produced,
whether such a judgement affects dogma or conduct. I am not claiming that
this work documentsall this, but I think it offers a crucial basis for such
documentation.It also helps to open up our minds further to fascinating
observations about the nature of the legal milieu and the evolutionary process
in the construction of Islamic schools of law. And if other Ibadt early works,
and there are still surprising numbers of them have not yet seen the light, are
put under detailed scrutiny; the results are going to be significant and of a
crucial interest for both Muslim and Western scholars. It is hoped that this
current study will attract more attention to the study of the Ibadi texts of all
kinds, which will lead to proper treatment of the Ibadiyya, neither as an
insignificant minor sect nor as a surviving example of Kharijism.
 162Conclusion
When I was doing my notes and comments on the text, I was surprised
 with what I found when I compared the juristic material of the book, which
 lays the groundwork for an [badi based figh, to that of Sunni figh. There is no
 single legal opinion by Ibadis that seems irregular (shadhdh or mubtada’ in
figh terms) or contradicting the figh of the mainstream Muslims. There are, it
 is true, certain opinions approved of by Ibadis and became peculiar to them,
 but even these opinions have their roots back to one or more of the Com-
 panions or the Successors, other than Jabir b. Zayd. Some narrators of these
 opinions are quite often non-Ibadis. Otherwise if we forget, for a moment,
 that this is an Ibadi figh work, it is difficult to distinguish from any Sunni
 madhhab.
The political and doctrinal information that appears in the book shows
 greater differencesbetweenthe Ibadi communityand the other madhahib,
 and this mirrors the split in the early Islamic community. Though this infor-
 mation is not a primary item of concern in the book but incidental, the poli-
 tical events and historical incidents mentioned in the book should lead us to
 review some of the ambiguities connected with some early personalities and
 their roles and stances on the conflicts that took place during the first and
 beginning of the second centuries of Islam, such as the assassination of the
 third Caliph, the revolt of Mu awiya and Talha, the Battle of al/-Jamal, the
conflict at Siffin, some events during the Umayyad reign, etc. Such topics in
 the Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib provide a subject of further detailed studies for
 those who are eager for the study of early history of Islam.
Because of the early date of the work, before 132/749, there are not any
discussionson dogmaticissues that apparentlysurfaced at a later stage,
though not muchlater. Thus, polemics on issues that were thought to have
influenced the ‘final forms’ of different Muslim schools of thought, such as
the divine attributes and their unity (al-sifat wa |-tawhid), predestination and
 justice (al-qadar wa I-‘adl), the promise and the threat (al-wa‘d wa I-wa ‘7id),
etc., need to be reconsidered in the light of early works such as the one we
have. It seems that, on the legal features at least, these polemics have not
influenced the charactérising process of the Muslim school to the extent that
it is thought to have. Nor they have great impacts on the approaches of early
authorities in their dealing with juristic matters. This work is a good example
of this.
Biographical information extant in this book also merits close attention.
For, I have to admit, there is not such a paucity of chronological and prosopo-
graphical information any researcher would encounter than that in the IbadT
school. Recent attempts to fill this gap have eased this problem to some
extent, yet we do need to look at works like Athar al-Rabi‘ b. Habib, that is
full of names, places and events of day life activities, to get more accurate
Conclusion163
information on this infrastructural aspect. This was one of my main aims
when writing this study, as I thought that it would provide an addition to the
contemporary studies of both Muslimand Westernresearchers. AndI am
sure that further studies on this book and other still unstudied works of
similar nature will be highly appreciated in the world of scholarship.
It is no exaggeration if I posit that careful studies of such early Muslim
works will mark a turning point in our understanding of the early centuries of
Islam, particularly the origins of Islamic law, the features of Muslim schools
of jurisprudence,the inter-relationshipsbetweeninfluentialMuslimautho-
rities, and many other important horizons.
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Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
Im Auftrag der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft
herausgegeben von Florian C. Reiter (ab Band 53,1)
102:103: Rainer Brunner
Ernst Boerschmann:Die Schia und die Koranfalschung
Pagoden in China2., erganzte und aktualisierte Auflage
Das unveroffentlichte Werk ,,Pagoden II“2016. Ca. X, 143 Seiten, br
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 Je € 98,- (D)der Islam selbst, und die Liste der Streit-
Ernst Boerschmannwar ein Pionier undpunkte ist lang. Besonders heikel ist der
ist bis heute der profilierteste Vertretervon schiitischen Theologen erhobene Vor-
 der chinesischen Architekturforschung inwurf der Koranfalschung. Demnach hatten
 Europa.Von1906bis 1909bereiste ersunnitische Gelehrten samtliche Hinweise
 China, fotografierte und vermaB die wich-auf ‘Ali, den Schwiegersohn Muhammads
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 fur Bauforschung an (1929). Aufgrundzuletzt innerschiitische Auseinanderset-
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 das dreibandige Werk Die Baukunst undschiitischen Debatte markierte im spaten
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Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
lm Auftrag der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft
herausgegeben von Florian C. Reiter (ab Band 53,1)
104: Lutz Edzard (Ed.)105: Silje Susanne Alvestad
The Morpho-SyntacticThe Uppsala Manuscript of
and Lexical Encoding of TenseMuhammed Heva’l Uskufi Bos-
and Aspect in Semiticnevi’s Makbul-i arif (1631) from
Proceedings of the Erlangen Workshopa Turcological Perspective:
on April 26, 2014Transliteration, Transcription, and an
2016. 242 pages, 3 ill, 20 schemes, 23 tables, pb
 145x220 mm
English Translation
ISBN 978-3-447-10622-12016. X, 164 pages, 30 ill, 7 tables, pb
©E-Book: ISBN 978-3-447-19527-0145x220 mm
each € 58,— (D)ISBN 978-3-447-10635-1 .
© E-Book: ISBN 978-3-447-19530-0
The present volume is based on a selec-each € 48,— (D)
tion of papers delivered at the workshopThe object of study in this book is the
“The Morpho-Syntactic Encoding of TenseUppsalamanuscript,0.nova546,of
and Aspect in Semitic” at the Friedrich-Muhammed Heva’l Uskifi Bosnevi's liter-
Alexander-Universitat Erlangen-Nurnberg.ary work Makbul-i arif from 1631. The
Specifically, the contributions focus onmanuscript, handwritten in Ottoman script,
Akkadian (Michael P. Streck), Biblicalcame from Cairo to the University Library in
Hebrew (Lutz Edzard and Silje S. Alvestad),Uppsala in 1924. Makbul-i arifis frequently
 modern Hebrew (Nora Boneh), modern col-referred to as the first known Bosnian-
 loquial Arabic (Melanie Hanitsch and SalahTurkish dictionary, but this label is mislead-
 Fakhry), as well as Ethio-Semitic (Ronnying. First, the work consists of three parts
 Meyer). One joint paper also touches upon— along and sophisticated foreword and an
 Slavic linguistics (Silje $. Alvestad). Whileafterword in addition to the dictionary part.
the papers are data-oriented, modern lin-Second, the part of the work that is the
 guistic theory and typological considera-Cause of this label is not a ‘dictionary’ in the
tions play an important role as well. Themodern sense of the word: it is versified,
 volume is of interest to Arabists, Hebraists,dialogue-oriented, and split into chapters
 and Semiticists, as well as Assyriologists,according to topic. The versified glossary is
 Biblical scholars, Slavicists, and linguiststhe only part where we find Bosnian words
 in general.(approximately 650).
The main motivation behind this book is
the fact that Makbul-i arif has received
little attention from a turcological per-
spective. Despite the fact that Makbul-i
arif is a Turkish, or Ottoman Turkish lit-
erary work of art, the vast majority of
researchers examine it from a Bosnian
cultural and/or linguistic perspective. It is
time Makbul-i arif receives attention from
a turcological point of view, too.
HARRASSOWITZ VERLAG - WIESBADEN
www.harrassowitz-verlag.de - verlag@harrassowitz.de
9 TIM